The Sexual Curriculum (Oct., 2002)
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Janssen, D. F. (Oct., 2002). Growing Up Sexually. Volume II: The Sexual Curriculum: The Manufacture and Performance of Pre-Adult Sexualities. Interim Report. Amsterdam, The Netherlands
Rolling Down a Hill Together in Each Other's Arms. An Ethnohistorical Inventory of Play / Rehearsive Love and (Pre-)Institutonal Dyadic Affiliation
"My sister comes in. Her eyes are full of sorrow. She sings to me: "When the deep purple falls over sleepy garden walls, someone thinks of me…" I doze, thinking of plums, walls, and "someone"
"Viene, gioiuzza mia, e viene scatená
(Come, my joy, come and play
Summary: This chapter provides a rough sketch of love development trajectories as encountered cross-culturally and historically. As such it explores the extent of cultural diversity in such indefinite concepts as love and romanticism, thereby providing a vademecum for future study of its developmental principles. It establishes a chronological baseline of love as a subjective experience by reviewing relevant numeric data available for Western societies. It further overviews some of the cultural determinants that have been identified as to shape love trajectories. Lastly, some theoretical excursions are offered.
Introducing two interesting absolutisms, McCormick suspects that "nearly everyone else on the planet has a soft spot in his or her heart for a good love story"; that is, "[a]side from preadolescent males (who find them icky in the extreme)". In fact, the development of "love" and romantic motives has been neglected by psychologists and ethnographers who generally limit their studies to the description of the semi- and quasi-institutional forms its development is structured in. Cross-cultural studies of early and first love, for instance, are rare. Anthropologists have interested themselves for changing patterns of premarital love which are related to the mixture of cultural clues to the operational and motivational identity of love.
The following chapter structures available data on the "development" of "love", as informed by cultural factors. To do so, a round-up of theoretical entries to the problem will be outlined (§15.1). Next, the concept of "play love" is presented as a major discourse both in historical and ethnographic perspective (§15.2).
To anticipate on the data to follow, the discussion of preadolescent love development within the cultural setting, such as by Johansson (1995), is only sporadically fuelled with quality interview data. Love, it appears, tends to be associated with the larger structural-political modes of existence rather than the personal and microsocially interactional. Hence, valuable data are mostly drawn from retrospective essays. An integrative view of preadolescent friendships (e.g., "chum friendships", "passionate" friendships, "special friendships"), love, intimacy, and nongenital "affectionate" and genital behaviour awaits further qualitative research (see also §s III.3.1 and III.3.2).
"Although scholars have given considerable attention to adolescent romance, few have examined the discursive practices of pre-adolescents, as they are just beginning to take up (and to resist) cultural coherence systems that construct gender and sexuality" (Walton et al., 2002). As Erlich (1966) notes in Yugoslav villages, love songs are sung "long before they have any personal interest in the other sex". What constitutes dyadic object "love" in children is ambiguous and problematic terminologically given its common use to denote a general fondness for experiences and objects. Cultural factors are at play in the assignment of "love quality", as measured by behavioural competence, social attainability, motivational endurance, and object specific tenacity.
There seems to be a debate concerning the place of early infatuation in the wider societal telos, often formulated in terms of synergy and antagonism.Studies suggest that "falling in love", on no matter what, was an even better predictor of adult creative achievement than indices of scholastic promise and attainment in school. However, other research reveals that "early romantic involvement in late childhood and adolescence had negative consequences for academic, job, and conduct domains of competence. Later in adolescence, romantic relationship involvement lost its negative significance" (Neeman et al.).
The contradiction here encountered may reflect culturally ambivalent agendas rather than a clear-cut "role" or "significance". Feminists, for their part, argue that "the compelling ideology of romance channels girls narrowly toward heterosexuality and marriage". The remaining chapter, by contrast, operates from a nonteleological basis, and rather addresses the curricular organisation of love as a social category of human bonding.
Lindholm discusses whether romantic love is a particularly Western and modern phenomenon, as many social theorists argue, or a universal experience (at least not confined to Western societies) as sociobiologists claim. Lindholm argued that both these approaches err in taking sexual attraction as the essential characteristic of romance, whereas historical and personal accounts stress idealisation of a particular other. Cultural factors would define the way this dramatisation project might be elaborated. Rated in generalist terms, love is perhaps best studied cross-culturally by its subvariables (e.g., frequency of love experiences, attachment styles, love styles, love as a basis of marriage, romantic attitudes, and predictors of falling in love), and via depth interviews. Of course, these are not available in most ethnographies.
The extent to which emotions are culturally created is a comparatively recent concern. Courtship "routines" and curricula are shaped by their social raison d'être. The relative import, or mere existence, of romanticism in this process is subject to wider than dyadic interests, and, as noted by other reviewers, cultural determinants. Romanticism, thus, is a cultural (rather than dyadic or individual) construct.
Otherwise put, "expertise in romantic pursuits" is an organised acquisition, and is likely to require and be granted a trial pathway for ultimate success. Occidental romantic attachment as an explanandum is frequently located in its being a developmental "change" in the general homophilic (homosocial) nature of preadolescent (or variably, preadult) bonding. It is significant, though, that previous researchers tend to focus on adolescent romantic development, even when criticising previous work on its cancellation of "early" romantic inclinations as "mature" subjects for study. In the study by Broderick, however, the most striking difference between the "races" occurred during the preadolescent and pubescent ages of 10-13.
It has been widely suggested in the past that romanticism signifies a dysfunctional adolescent phase that needs to be overcome when "serious" mate-seeking is initiated. In these situations, curricular romanticism is seen as an antagonist of social regulations. Scripts may reflect these ideas on antagonism, producing conformist or dissident romantic curricula.
According to Goode, who notes anthropologists' previous neglect of the matter, love is variably "institutionalised", and falls subject to control for its direct effect on mate choice, and thus, on social structure (kinship linkage). Goode observes that society, and class strata, may affect adolescent love with a 5-type "gradual" scale from illegitimisation to non- to positive operationalisation: child marriage/betrothal, preferred marriage, social segregation, nonencouraged supervised arranged courtship, and encouraged, formally "liberal" love. In the last case, a (seemingly associated) peer group system effects the larger part of social "control". Parents thus affect mate choice. Goode hypothesised that the social expectation of love preceding marriage is associated with (1) the degree of free choice of mate, and (2) the degree to which husband-wife solidarity represents the strategic coherence of the kinship structure (p46).
Goode's image of love as "a universal psychological potential" being "entirely prevented" or "harnassed" by environmental interests was not put through historical analysis.
Thus, in a society where the family system is a compelling agent of socialisation and emphasises family unity as opposed to individual goals, while other agents of emotional and marital support are absent, the family will exert great control on the mate-selection process and the institutionalisation of arranged marriage, controlling the expression of premarital love/romantic love and also determining the importance of conjugal love/marital love.
Across all cultures studies by Perlman et al. (1978) greater courtship participation was associated with greater "sexual" permissiveness. One study, however, suggested that romantic love in the US was declining as permissiveness increases. Romanticism would be related to society's allowance of courtship while restricting sex; prohibition of adultery; and socialising coherence in the relational complex of romantic love, marriage, and sexual relations. Early cross-cultural studies (Rosenblatt) supported the hypotheses that romantic love is a functional substitute for subsistence dependence: romantic love develops to preserve marriages from divisive pressures of nearby relatives and from the weak bonds that may arise from the lack of economic dependence of spouses on one another that may exist where residence is nonneolocal.
More recently, De Munck and Korotayev (1999) found that societies that allow premarital and extramarital sex for both males and females rate romantic love significantly higher than societies that have a double standard or strong sanctions against female sexuality out of wedlock. It is concluded that the type of sanction against female sexuality is the critical factor for predicting the cultural importance of romantic love as a basis for marriage.
Possibly suggestive of American middle-class individualisation, Hatfield and Rapson (1993) suggested that cultural and gender differences may often be less powerful than individual personality differences in shaping attitudes and behaviour. "Westernization" (equality for men and women, and pursuit of pleasure and avoidance of pain as desirable goals) is seen as creating trends toward marriage for "love" (sexual desire) and greater sexual permissiveness. While African young adults (e.g., Igbo) may increasingly insist on choosing their marriage partners, the viability of marriage might still depend on fertility, an organisation crucial for the final format of marital bonding.
Contemporary authors have utilised constructionist approaches to love, "an emotional phenomena defined and experienced differently across cultures, with multitiered importance to society". Authors variably stress love as an emotion (passion), or as a behavioural curriculum. "Passionate" love is a multifactorial construct uniquely defined within cultures. Thus, love relations constitute "a specific type of social relations that varies with societies and historical periods", and a "productive mechanism" of the relations between individuals and society. Simon et al. (1992) argue that children
"[…] not only acquire cultural knowledge about RL [Romantic Love] but also develop feeling and expression norms (FENs) that guide romantic feelings. These norms involve the relative importance of romantic relationships and the appropriate object of romantic feelings. While some of these norms were highly developed and generally accepted, others were still being negotiated. The [6 to 8 Grade] subjects used a variety of discourse strategies to communicate normative information and to reinforce feeling norms. Even though the subjects obtained normative information about RL, they did not always abide by the FENs, which they sometimes resisted".
Redman (2001) argues that romance provides boys with "a cultural repertoire --that is, a narrative resource or set of discursive practices-- through which they negotiated and made imaginative sense of the "little cultural world" of their college". In particular, Redman's article suggests that romance "served to police and discipline relations of class, gender ethnicity, and sexuality in the pupils' culture while providing for the boys a mode of subjective orientation to key disciplinary practices of schooling". As such, romance may be seen as "a resource through which the boys "worked themselves into" the dispositions of a middle-class or professional habitus.
In Redman's words,
"[…] romance provided the boys in the study with a means of locating themselves (and thereby constructing a heterosexual masculine identity) in relation to a cast of hierarchically arranged social others. More particularly, I argue that this process had a disciplinary function. Romance […] was one way in which the boundaries of gender, class, ethnicity, and sexuality were policed within the pupils' culture. It served to assert and validate a particular and socially powerful kind of masculinity—white, heteronormative, and professional or middle class—that simultaneously contested (and in some cases, punished) those forms of masculinity and femininity that failed to compliment it" (2001:p189).
In all, the constructionist entry has produced few insights to the curricularisation, or hegemonic schedule, of love. Love would be a part of the anticipated biography, the contemporary diary, and the memoirs (§4.7). U.S. preteens seem to prefer scheduling their (the) "first romantic relationship" in the mid to late teens, but few data expand on this finding.
Love is an influential legitimiser for sexual pursuits and intimacy curricula (cf. Straver). Besides interactionist accounts using older age brackets, few hints have been provided for personal ontologies. As will be argued further on, the hypothetical, pre-operational condition of "love" may be reconceptualised as a behavioural (per-operational) curriculum, relative to such psychological facilitators as "interactional competence" (Weinstein, 1968), and such socially mediated ramifications as "operative" and normative rules (Straver). This was piloted by Rademakers and Straver in a study on Dutch girls (1986).
Ethological accounts of human courtship (e.g., Ludwig-Boltzmann-Institute for Urban Ethology) are informed by evolutionary and cross-species perspectives on affiliation as behaviour. The male courtship routine has been schematised by a pattern of human sexual interaction covering four phases: (1) location and initial appraisal of a potential partner; (2) pre-tactile interaction (e.g., smiling at, posturing for, or talking to a prospective partner); (3) tactile interaction (e.g., embracing, petting); and (4) effecting genital union. If this ethological approach can legitimately be used for a ontogenic approach, it seems that there is a place for considerable variation in the patterns by which the child eventually comes to integrate these component agenda into an effective (correct, complete) sequence.
Particularly, it would seem that at least in some early phases of human life sequenciality does not exist as such, component "phases" being pursued for their own good, and without innate tendencies to "progression" even with the technology of genitogenital intromission (this would account for phase-specific voyeurist, exhibitionist, obscene, toucheurist / frotteurist, and coital tendencies). The anthropologist perspective would theoretically seem to account for the missing links in "courtship development". Specifically, contemporary Occidental culture would delay practice-wise sequencing to where the issue becomes a thoroughly premeditated event taking place in an almost overly defined context of meaning, issuing a multitude of variables such as power, affiliation, perspective, continuity, and aesthetics. The concept of sexuality-eroticism becomes an elaborate narrative long before it acquires a practical autobiographical basis. The child has to force his way into a forbidden playground which maps have been handed down long before: the experience follows a complex anticipation curriculum rather than progressive elaboration following gradual experience. A low-practice economy produces a culture that attaches strong meanings to isolated and initiatory experiences, rather than stressing continuous and current status. Also, low-practice economies characterised by elaborate premeditation allow for a curriculum organised around a high-expectancy rather than reality-based motivation. This suggests that amorous and coital sequencing as an every-day childhood possibility offers a more stable, and probably more uniform, curriculum than a society paradoxically centralising necessity-based delay (AIDS, VD, pregnancy) of hypercentralised events, particularly where a sufficient degree of childhood-adolescence continuity exists in this point (non-ritualisation).
Human pair-bonding would be a function of complementation and identification principles along the gender axis, as would core gender-identities in early infancy (Money). I would suggest this equally holds true for the development of erotic and courtship scripts, and works via other axes as well (age/phase, ethnicity, etc.). The verification of this principle awaits further operationalisation.
Authors have delineated whether children would "prefer" love for other narratives if presented as an option. Choice of perspective determines whether these "preferences" are to be interpreted within a consumptive or productive arena. Play is such a discursive arena. "Adults" accommodate play in love praxis, so how to situate childhood love play? In the current presentation, an interactive-performative interpretation is entertained. This is briefly identified within the historical and ethnographic setting.
Stressing normative sex curricula, unlike Bloch, both Havelock Ellis and Albert Moll refer to Karl Groos, who as one of the first posited the concept of preparatory "love play", interestingly drawing a parallel between animal and human phenomena. The folkloristic work by Borneman and by others has strongly issued the image of childhood as a productive phase that is characterised by a high turn-over and output of rhymes, riddles, puns, anecdotes, jokes, insults that all, within a more or less off-serious mode, make sexual contextuality a (largely hidden) discourse parallel to that of the presumed adult superculture. The exact "psychosexual level" of these may vary. As judged from anthologies, "love games" among children were commonly known at the turn of the century (Chaimberlain, 1896:p200; Babcock, 1888; Gomme, 1898, II: indexed at p461-2). Amidst a historical curriculum of pathologising early affiliative stirrings, a milestone work was presented by Bell (1902). The paper provides a range of heterosocial games thought to provide occasion for kissing and hugging, illustrated by many cases, including "love demonstrations" lasting into adulthood, and intergenerational crushes. Critically, "[l]ove between children of the opposite sex bears much the same relation to that between adults as the flower does to the fruit, and has about as little physical sexuality in it as an apple-blossom has of the apple that develops from it" (p333). Was it only after Freud that love games could be discussed as sex games or were they indeed platonic? In Anthropophyteia, Adler (1911) lists nine "typical" "erotic" games of childhood. The alternative hypothesis reads that Victorian children indeed played "love" more typically than they played "sex" (facilitating moral marginalisation of occurring instances).
Money's "sexual rehearsal play" theme, with elements of rehearsive flirtation surfaced in a 1970 article, although his human "coital play" was mentioned before in the 1960s. Despite this lobbying, most "complete" discussions on children's play never include sexual or romantic elements (e.g., Hartley and Goldenson). Later work, for instance, mentions "love tokens" but skips the sex; these authors preferred to study school environments, but apparently missed or (did not find) the positive evidences of pervasive (and to some extent overt) heterosexuality found in numerous studies in the 1980s through 1990s. The performative and organisatory specifics are often left unexplored. Today, it may be appreciated that "courtship games (e.g., post office)" exist next to or affiliated to "sex" games, a more comprehensive analysis awaiting funding.
As detailed in full elsewhere, childhood erotic games are organised around scenarios that reflect adult public life, the sex (e.g., coitus) included when it is observed to be so. Malinowski formulated this definite need for Melanesian children to create a romantic game around the sex. Malinowksi, thus, attributes a romantic quality to preadolescent games. He observes how children are granted a sexual subculture which providing ample material for parental gossip.
Amorphous play gradually makes way for organised games. The record offers a variety of games that range from typical (marriage, weddings), to "hypernormal", to "variant" (doctor, mother-and-child), and to atypical and (still) "amorphous" scenarios (cf. §s 6.2.3-5). The games have distinct names, probably more often than not ignore the integrity of the reproductive cycle (though perhaps including the mimicry of such elementaries as fluid transfer), have a definite tolerance for group participation (though the sexual part is often polydyadic), and is at times (but not exclusively) transferred to doll play. At times, animals are imitated. The specific narrative of the game may be known as to allow microgeographic variations (e.g., Parca). Hide-and-Seek, is a routine erotic play because of its legitimate (, apparently dyadic,) separation from the group (e.g., Pedi, Baganda, Amhara, South Africa [Undize]) or the element of catching (Santal).
I have found variations of "Choosing a Lover" explicitly documented for the Basonge, Baushi, Ngoni, Xhosa, Zulu, and nonnative Americans. The term "Lover" here implies a romantic scenario, but this is not commonly present. Instead, these games encompass fragmented courtship routines (vide infra).
A number of games typically seem to be utilised to enhance physical encounters. "The game q[.]arumiña is played by little [Aymara] boys and girls who are watching the sheep. It consists in rolling down a hill together in each other's arms, and some informants say that such hills were the site of their first love experience" (La Barre). Fernandez mentions a game called shale which works as follows: "[The] children sit around spread-legged. A bystander- usually a man- then comes forward with a piece of wood or a stone in his fist. He thrusts his fist up between the legs of each in turn, leaving it under one. There is much giggling. He sings: "Trapdoor spider, trapdoor spider", [salé] you are very foolish! Hide this for me". Now another player comes out from a hut and attempts to guess where the object is hidden. As he reaches up between the legs, the seated player attempts to grab him".
Santal children's love/sex games are numerous (Uku Uku, Shui Topa, Sakam bàhu jamai [Bride and bride-groom of leaves], Mèròm mèròm khela [play at goats], play at jack-fruit) including (under)water games (Jol Kada, thep). Among the Baushi, apart from the classical mansansa ("house", marriage) and "kitchen", various games include sexual elements: Nambushi (Mother of Goats), Mwingilo wa nsenshi and Sale sale kinkamba (Everone is to Choose whom he Pleases). Nelson Mandela (1994) mentions ndize (Hide-and-Seek), icekwa (Touch-and-Run), and, his personal favorite, khetha (Choose-the-One-you-Like).
As Sierzpowska-Ketner notes for Poland, games may be inspired by any clue to sexuality: "The most popular games imitate adult roles that create an opportunity of mutual touching, undressing, and body manipulation, playing doctor, hospital, nurse, mother and father, king and queen, convalescent home, masseur, or the theater [sic], ballet and strip-tease. Among other inspirations for childhood games, direct observation of adult life takes place first, then movies, fairy tales, and stories told by others". Among the Nkundo, Hulstaert noted games of "mari et femmes" "d'une façon qui les dispose bien souvent à des embrassements sans innocence", ioto (« kitchen » ) played primarily by girls, and yembankongo, boyhood imitation of monkeys done to to give occasion for « des scènes répréhensibles » . Among the Zulu, for whom children's coital lives are well known, girls may play games such as Choosing a Lover (ukumema injenga) (Raum), playful sexual intercourse has a specific name (ukwenza isiNcogolo) (Krige) and "a special term existed, u(lu)ngqoyingqoyi (lit., "delicious food") with which small girls, when out alone and seeing a boy, called out to him, the words being intended as an enticement to him to come to them for sexual purposes" (Unwin). Mehinaku children play "women's sons" (teneju itãi), "Mariage" (kanupai), and "jealousy" (ukítsapi); "[t]here is even a game in which a girl violates the privacy of the men's house and the little boys in retaliation pretend to gang rape her".
North-American Indian children played "love" games (Ojibwa: "During the summer, the children play together in mixed groups, and part of their play is the imitation of the intimate behavior of adults. Girls are supposed to be passive, and boys are supposed to pursue them. The game of love is a tremendous important preoccupation, and is enriched with songs, music, tales of ascetic and faithful devotion, of suicides, and even visions") or "variant" love games such as the Packing Game, First Love and Elope (Sioux, acc. Hassrick).
In the above examples, one is justified to assume that at least in some, "love" is a feature of the play or game narrative. In none of the cases, this was explored at a more comprehensive level than indicated. As a result, little more than the following observations can be offered:
-- Few qualitative descriptions are available to reconstruct the "work" of early love-as-play.
-- Love-as-play (quasi-amorous scripts) encompasses courtship behaviours recruited for idiosyncratic mimesis, or as a legitimising context for genital pursuits.
The current paragraph identifies courtship within its discursive curriculum, by differentiating between performative contexts in which it takes place. These contexts can be thus categorised: pre-institutional, institutional, and extra-institutional. Further, there seems to be the case for both a hierarchy and a curriculum of institutions, directing social expectations regarding chronology, sequencing and conformity (Straver: normative rules). The individual is conceptualised as legitimising (normalising) his participation in institutions through an "operative self-concept".
It is suggested that judging from the cross-cultural record, "heterosocial orientation" develops via diverse trajectories as a result of these operativity / motivational principles. Bryant (1949:p562-4) sketches what can be considered a typical example of heterosexual development under "permissive regime".
"With the Zulus, boys especially, and in a lesser degree girls, manifest the sexual instinct of sensual desire (as yet unconsciously and sexlessly) sometimes as early as their third years […] by the eight or ninth, sex selection and sexual magnetism are strongly experienced and displayed […] This preference for the opposite sex and a certain aversion toward its own, had been constant since the fifth or sixth year. So, about this time most small boys and girls commenced to "court" each other and choose secret paramours, partly in imitation (for they were most observant, as well as imitative) of their elder brothers and sisters".
Putting "early" into perspective, Conn (1939:p742, 743) stated that "[t]he patterns of courtship and experimentation with interpersonal relationships are being developed in [the period of age 7 to 9]. It is during this phase of socialization that the patterns of early courtship appear and dreams of the opposite sex".
The "courtship" curriculum assumes the (poorly defined) sexual background of dyadic preinstitutional genital behaviour. Courtship is intimately related to the issue of mobility, and requires parental fiat or the refutation of parental veto. The most frequently encountered characterisation is that of the formality factor, referring to prescribed routines, exchange customs and behavioural liberties. In the more or less facultative "dating" system of the U.S., the child would become date-minded at some time, and, Martinson suggests, on the basis of a gradual redirection of interests, and polarisation of social space:
"Basically, the preadolescent's emotional commitment is to his family, rather than to his friends. The girl at this age has ordinarily not begun to date. The sexes still meet on the playground and judge each other by skill at running, at basketball, at other activities, rather than by sex. The fact that one participant is a boy and the other is a girl may be quite incidental to the activity. Soon, however, most of the girls will secretly, or openly, compete for the attention of boys, and a balance must be found between ties of friendship and the demands of dating" (1973:p2).
However, "[i]t is quite evident when we look at dating among preadolescents that dating in the United States serves other functions than that of courtship and mate selection". Heterosexual opportunities would take place against the changing background of "mixed parties", paired dating (first in grades 4-7) and "going steady" (ibid., p83-7).
In order to describe chronological patterning, a number of elements to have to be addressed:
Girl Meets Boy. Among preindustrial peoples, the existence, timing and character of a courting scene very much depend on the timing and arrangement of marriage. In beginning to explore the timing question, some illustrations can be made for the African case:
"Courtship often commences long before a marriageable age is reached. Headmen of quite advanced age frequently train young girls, generally maidens in their employ, in their habits and ways with a view to ultimately marrying them" (Ambo, Rhodesia); In later childhood girls "will probably have a lover or two, as erotic play and courtship behaviour begins at a relatively early age, often prior to puberty / After the menarchal rites are "eligible for serious courtship or marriage" (Nharo, Botswana); Courtship seems to begin in "youth" (Dinga, Sudan); A specific courting hut (lomore) allows a free atmosphere for adolescent [the exact age at which it is entered is not given] girls to meet boys (Mandari, Sudan); Courtship and marriage takes place "at an early age", allegedly because no payment or gifts are given or expected (Udhuk, Ethiopia); "Girls are courted beginning at ages twelve to thirteen, and will have a series of lovers by age fifteen to sixteen" (Nuer, Ethiopia); Around puberty (Somali); Adolescents are permitted to play husband and wife (suka-sehil) which is regarded as immature courtship or flirtation and does not lead to consummation or marriage (Toucouleur, Senegal); More or less formal courtship starts after puberty (Fali, North-Cameroon); Boys of thirteen to fifteen looked around for a bride among the eight to twelve years old girls / Men begin courting at age twenty and generally get betrothed to a girl child, in which case sexual intercourse awaits puberty (Otoro Nuba); Washing in cold water once on an early morning without shivering is the only test a young man is given by his father or guardian to ascertain whether he is now grown up and fit to court girls and eventually marry (Thonga); Boys of about 15 (after initiation) and girls of 12 will be preoccupied with seeking a mate (Kipsigis, Kenya). "Children start having "sweethearts", "boy-friends" or "girl-friends", "cherries" (girls), or iintokazi (lit., female things) from 10 or 11 years onwards" (urbanised Xhosa).
The given, and other, examples suggest the following subsequent patterns: the "play courtship" of childhood (Bantu, Zulu), "premarital" courtship, and "antemarital" courtship. In some cases of prearrangement, a courtship phase may be absent, or may compete with alternative wishes of the involved parties, or with clandestine initiatives.
Play Courtship. Expanding on the Zulu case, Bantu children begin to "court" each other when very young. Stories indicate that children indulge in intercourse "almost as soon as they discover the facts of life". The existence of a play version of courtship requires a detailed description of involved actions, roles and communications, and these have to be contrasted with "formalised" stages of courtship (cf. Bell). Cross-culturally, it is to be disproved that these patterns follow universal lines, but instead reflect fragmentary assimilated scripts that are gradually expanded toward some complete scenario.
Play to "Game" Courtship. Researching adolescents' understanding of the social context of sexual behaviour, Eyre et al. proposed a model of sex-related behaviour as a set of interrelated "games". A courtship game involves communication of sexual or romantic interest and, over time, formation of a romantic relationship. A duplicity game draws on conventions of a courtship game to trick a partner into having sex. A disclosure game spreads stories about one's own and others' sex-related activities to peers in a gossip network. A prestige game builds social reputation in the eyes of peers, typically based on gender-specific standards. Love-as-game has been explored in the Xhosa case as intimately connected to concepts of sex-as-requirement.
The Cultural Date. What is considered a "date" provides a semi-formal, semi-institutional dyadic courtship scene. In concordance with the remainder of the current work, the curricular meaning of dates are to be reconstrued by analysing their first and pre-first occurrences, and their determinants.
First Date. Apart from studies on the U.S. system, data on first "dates" are available for numerous countries where apparently this is customary (e.g, Brazil [here the custom is termed namoro], Germany, Japan, the Netherlands, Central African Republic, South Africa, etc.). Mechanisms that govern this chronology have been identified for monocultural settings. A constructionist entry would define the matter as a factor of developing "dating scripts". A cross-cultural study has to disprove that these scripts are elaborated along similar chronological principles, but instead are based on such preconditions as mobility, gender scripts, and specific (positive) operationalisations of exclusive pairbonding (Becker: "contraction").
"Premarital" vs "Antemarital" Courtship. A most variable relationship between both categories, courtship may be divided by behaviour more or less directed at mate selection, and behaviour that is to effect the winning of the eventual, preferred mate. These distinction between patterns are rather foggy in industrial settings, but in others these patterns may be more clearly defined formalised).
Date and Romanticism. Research indicates that formation of a romantic view (comprised mostly of affiliative behaviours during early dating) and the onset and frequency of dating are independent of each other. This suggests that the work and agenda involved in a "romantic date scripts" is coded by at least partially separate trajectories.
To provide a tentative exploration of love development, three critical aspects are presented: structural preconditions that compromise a universalist treatise of its development; development, and socialisation. Data strongly suggest that cultures exert a most definite influence on the form, timing and experience of tentative bondings, whether or not liable to the concept of "romanticism".
In the present paragraph, it is suggested that with love to be discussed as a universal tendency for dyadic exclusivity, its manifestation and effectuation is intrinsically bound to structural preconditions that make up the teleologically formulated "scripts" of such "inclination". Departing from the above review of structural-level determination of love, the following key issues are extracted:
Mate Selection. Although free choice may not be a necessary condition for love, the organisation of mate selection determines a large part of the romantic curriculum, notably the possibilities and probabilities for patterned affiliation. Closely related is the issue of
Mate Availability. Upon reaching puberty, Yaruro (Venezula) boys and girls marry if a mate is available, regardless of "considerable" age difference. "Premarital romantic love life may be entirely absent on this account […]" (Petrullo). Comparably, Murphy and Quain reported that among the Central Brazilian Trumaí, "there was no heterosexual activity between children, for there were no girls of appropriate age in the village".
Romantic Values and Curriculum / Curricular Romanticism. It was said that among the Dogon, "[w]ith experience and maturity, […] the adults lose their romantic illusions. Although grown men will always appreciate female beauty, they learn to prefer more substantial qualities" (Calame-Griaule). This suggests the possibility that romanticism motivating affiliative activities is phase-specific and may, indeed, discard levels of romantic motivation found in previous scripts.
Romanticism and Economic Agenda. In Holland, recent immigration politics have come to question the moral/legal position of cases in which marriage provides a legitimisation for migration for economic purposes. In these cases it has been observed that "love" occupies a secondary if not a nonexisting place. Villages are thus "transplanted" posing a threat to integration processes. Thus, romantic ideations may be feigned publicly or politically to accomplish primary agendas. [the issue, however, raises questions of normalisation, and marginalisation.]
A cross-cultural discussion of love development is hampered by the lack of qualitative descriptive materials referring to the non-Occidental case. In ethnographic materials, there seems to be an identification of love objects, pair-bonding behaviours and the social institutions that govern the heterosocial dyad, but not of personal qualifications pertaining to the emotional factors involved. What does enter as the experience factor often is limited to the probing of associations with adolescent "risk behaviours", which dichotomises risky and safe uses of love categories, and also denormalises "risky" loves.
Play Love. Historical and ethnographic observations being offered supra, it is clear that the element of "romanticism" in "sex" games (aut vice versa), elements which are described in separation much more frequent, is in most cases unestablished. Scenario-based love play mimics the institutional forms in the ways they are public, made public or are thought to be organised if nonpublic.
Girlhood love commonly is "rehearsed" in a same-sex setting, and within a fictitious age stratification; equivalent reports for boys do not suggest this degree of stereotypy. Blacking (1959, 1978) observed that a traditional "mother-child" custom attached to the Bemba vhusha, or original puberty school, is mimicked by pubescent and prepubescent girls. The "play mother" and "play child" declare their love to each other, and the mother may help the child in her first heterosocial amorous approaches. It is unclear whether sexual behaviour is involved. In permissive environments, love, as genitalism, takes the form of a scenario tentatively being put to tests at variable ages. Some adolescent folklore (love declarations) were collected in Leopoldville by Raymaekers who writes: "Il semble que les relations sexuelles ente jeunes gens débutent dès la plus tendre enfance sans pour autant, évidemment, que les jeunes réalisent pleinement la signification de l'acte qu'ils posent" (p8).
"Amorarche": Construing First Love. Commenting on a surprising relaxation of "spontaneous" gender segregation in springtime measures of Grades 3 and 4, Bronfenbrenner (1944:p62) comments on observations of school personell: "It was indeed "spring": pre-adolescent "crushes" made their first appearance in this group during the second semester". Most studies on "first love experiences" include U.S. adolescents (vide infra). A number of papers presented the objective genetic timing of amorous tendencies, or amorarche (Tables 1 and 2 at the conclusion of this chapter). Carlfred Broderick was one of the prominent pioneers to focus on pubescent heterosocial timing. A cross-national and historical comparative method, however, is problematic because of the wide variation of definitions attached to the concept of "love". One study conceptualised love as broad as "significant attachments". A Polish study on first love was led to the following operationalisation: "the first desire of constant contact with an individual of the opposite sex in the erotic, intellectual, and moral sphere". Other studies have been performed on Scandinavian, Russian, German, Dutch, and Israeli (pre)adolescents; further solitary studies on early love development are found in Canadian, Italian, and Australian studies. Given the variable accessibility of the sources, the theoretical presuppositions, and methodological limitations, it appears that few cross-cultural observations can be made on the symbolic interactions involved in the construction of "love" experiences as "first" ("first genuine") or as "subsequent".
Love before puberty is frequently attributed a "puppy" quality. Money (surveyed by Gijs) commonly referred to this state of mind, or rather the behaviour that follows it, as a pregonadarchic ("dry") rehearsal, quite comparable to sexual/coital "rehearsals". Early authors wrote on early love (e.g., Just, 1897; Speyer, 1904; Pfister, 1922, 1925) in attempts to shift the abnormal from the beneficial. A rarely quoted paper on early love appeared in the German journal Die Kinderfehler. Speyer (1904) presented love-letters of children to illustrate his distinction between abnormal and normal love ("Die Seele des Kindes offenbart sich am besten in Briefen"). Crediting the observations of Mantegazza and Ferriani, love and hatred, the two most basic emotions in adults are to be seen as present in the early age. He stressed the role of early education to prevent an all too intense expression of these sentiments. The distinction seems to consist of the presence or absence of heredity cq. the environment of a criminal family. All abnormal cases show the latter (more or less) and the normal letters are written by those invariably born out of an "adliger Familie". The former cases deal with threatening the beloved one with death or destruction; the latter reveal mere melancholy or the suggestion of suicide if turned down. Ages are 9 to 13. Wulffen (1913:p253-5) also mentioned a paradoxic developmental protraction of "das erotische Liebesgefühl [or Instinkte]" at age nine to twelve, quoting two pathological love letters of Italian children. [To exand on the genre, Kernberg and Richards (1994) reviewed approximately 1000 letters from boys and girls (almost all ranging in age from 9 through 12) in an attempt to see what love means for youngsters.]
Variably operationalised, "romances" may start at preschool age (Bell, 1902; Hatfield et al., 1988; Smith et al., 1993). There do not appear to be cross-cultural studies demonstrating differences in timing, character or incidence of preadult love/romance experiences.
The Note-Bringer. Sometimes children are used as "go-betweens" in adolescent love communications (Santals [India], Trukese, Mehinaku [Brazil], Jimdārs (Rais) [Nepal]), a theme used in Hartley's 1953 novel The Go-Between. This represents a situation wherein children are recruited for a lateral role, thereby provided the opportunity for observing central roles. The same is noted in Mohave boys being used as escorts of prostitutes as witnesses of eventual misbehaviour of their clients.
The Note. Notes are tools of sexual negotiations, serving variable ends. Parikh analysing love letters in Uganda: "In terms of gendered themes within love letters, in general boys use letters to establish relationships and initiate sex. Girls use letters to maintain and negotiate terms of the relationship, often by expressing disappointment over the actions of their love interest. In youth's letters, the term "love" is has multiple meanings—an emotion, desire, or sexual activity. The vague use of the term is more common in boys' letters and allows for deniability if "discovered", while leaving interpretation up to the recipient. Youth frequently conflate love and sex, and one is evidence of the other".
Object Development (Homosexual, Age Stratified). As detailed elsewhere (§22.214.171.124), love development typically includes a "crush" phase (G., Schwärmen), or curricular teleiophilia. With variable support, this has been explained as a "safe" entry in the self-concept as a subject-in-love, without the risk, pressure and difficulties of reciprocity. The object is typically older, of the same sex, and both, and according to one or more principles, out of reach. It could not established whether the phenomenon normatively occurs outside the Caucasian setting.
Curricularised Pre-, Semi- and Quasi-Institutions. The evolution of courtship forms can be examined via historical and immigrant studies. Love is organised through such culture-typical pre-institutions of "going-steady", "breaking up", and "making up", "dating". These invariably depend on whether they are clandestine, semi-clandestine, tolerated or arranged. The "making-out" and "love-making" may be introduced anywhere in such institutionalised curricula. The institutions become objects for anticipation, and the timing is roughly associated with parental control on heterosocial mobility. In age-set societies, the timing of love commitments are based on the control exerted through the implications of initiation policies for both parties. A circumcised Nandi boy, for instance, may have intercourse with uninitiated girls, who form lasting couples (mureret-sandet, beloved-lover). This is paralleled among the Baraguyu and Masai. Among the Jekri of the Niger Delta, "[t]he sexes fall in love with one another just as Europeans do, and there is the same intrigue, squeezing and cuddling and loving embraces, but there is no kissing". This would occur before marriage which is scheduled at pubarche for free girls. Children among the urbanised Xhosa "[…] start having "sweethearts", "boy-friends" or "girl-friends", "cherries" (girls), or iintokazi (lit., female things) from 10 or 11 years onwards". This varies in intensity. The early timing of the "love-making" is attributed by the respondents to the freedom associated with single-parent household, giving way to unsupervised interplay; others referred to the compromised privacy of the home causing "their being aware of their parents' sexual relations from an early age". "Intensive petting- referred to as unkuncokolisa (to excite sexually), uku-phathaphatha (the intensive form of the verb ukuphatha, to touch or feel), or by the English word "romance", used both as noun and verb- and with it sexual intercourse, are often part of a love-affair from an early age. Cases of pregnancy are known to occur from 12 years age and onward. Among the informants 14 was the youngest age at which one of them first experienced sexual intercourse. From 16 onwards most young people have love-affairs in which intercourse is a common element". However, there is a deal of interindividual variability. Some have multiple simultaneous lovers: a major one (makhonya, known lover), and a "minor" one (osecaleni, "one on the side").
How semi-institutionality and romanticism are interconnected is open to debate (e.g., Merten), but it seems reasonable to assume institutions act as bridges between hypothetical and real bonding and intimacy, as such provide anchors for curricular control and operationalisation, and are employed with the same intention as legal institutions: partner claim.
Dyadiscism and Transitional / Mediating Groups. U.S. mixed preadolescent parties, once referred to as "group dating" (Martinson, 1960:p73-7; 1970:p253; 1973:p83-5; 1974:p23-4), prove to be a specific occasion for experimenting with the dyadic mode. As genital behaviour, dyadic initiatives seem to arise from occasions provided by the group experience, peers being utilised as mediators, go-betweens and reporters. As Thorne (1993:p151-4) notes: "Although pairs are the focus, "goin' with" is a group activity that bridges from moments of teasing to the construction of more lasting and self-proclaimed couples".
Other Mediating Social Institutions. The diary may be considered a transitional object in the process of the disclosure of a love life, disclosure being organised in the selective (non-)privileging of being shown passages, or knowledge of its existence. However compromised the validity of diaries, these sources are unique in their subjectivity, format and functionality.
Categorising / Organising Love/Sex. Abhraham (2000, 2002) sketches how Indian street youth negotiate heterosexual affiliations within diverse categories, including Bhai-behen ("a 'brother-sister' like relationship, platonic in nature and explicitly signifies a friendship devoid of any sexual involvement"), "true love" ("pursued with the implicit or explicit intention of marriage"), and "time pass friendships" ("a transitory relationship with a girl of their age, characterized by sexual intimacy that may lead to sexual intercourse"). It appears that this classification system is primarily informed by associative (sexual framework) and prospective (social framework) operations. Thus,
"[y]outh sexuality as it is channelled and experienced was far more complex than what is typically understood in terms of 'boyfriend-girlfriend' relationships".
Operative Rules: Parental vs Peer Mediation. The socialisation of romantic inclinations is universally part of a peer culture, which may perform the same pressures or constraints. African patterns of sexual instruction are known to introduce elements of love ethics within the compulsory sexual curriculum. Gough (1961 [1962:p346]) notes that in former times Nayar "mothers and other matrilineally related women instructed girls in the arts of love". A Dogon boy tells about his father:
" "He walked every night alone to Yenima to get his bride, and he was only 19 years old". The story of his father's courtship and first love adventures which he knows in detail he wants to imitate as soon as he is a little older. His father has been his model in sexual matters and he consciously identifies with him" (Parin et al., p297).
A typically Western response toward love would probably still read something like:
"For the form of response known as "puppy love" we have one stock policy- we take a seat on the side lines. It needs regulating now and then- even a game of marbles gets out of hand occasionally- but it is usually wise to let it run its course like numerous other human ailments. […] We learned that the child is safeguarded when the opposite sex becomes ordinary and without any special novelty, and that natural association tends to eradicate morbid attitudes. We do not claim to have rediscovered the basis of exogamy; but we do notice that it is now quite the thing among the older boys to have a girl in the outside community. Apparently Westermarck was right!" .
Nevertheless, Jackson (1982:p93-6) argued that, "[g]irls receive a thorough schooling in romanticism from their earliest years", a schooling, Jackson argues, that may work as a trap (2001). This vicarious socialisation would escape preadolescent boys, who feel disgusted or disinterested. The most important matter seems to be the curricular "fit" of love and sex.
Love as an Operational Concept. Hunter relates that a Bantu girl would be ridiculed if she did not have lovers (yet is taught how to avoid defloration); the same was noted for the Basonge peer group. This seems to oppose the frequent finding that young children tease and are teased about alleged romantic involvement, a pattern also noted for the Thonga (Colson: "[c]hildren from four of five on tease one another about their lovers"). Relative to whether these sentiments are somehow derived from parental attitudes, this mostly reflects a developmental principle. Thus, a Thonga girl may solicit for intercourse. "A boy how has no such flirt, no shigango [], is laughed at as a coward; a girl who refuses to accept such advances is accused of being malformed". In fact, "If a boy has not been successful in his "gangisa" [playing marriage in huts], if he is despised by the girls and has no chance of being accepted", a special rite is needed to help him find a wife.
Formalised vs Informal Operationalisation. Courtship "routines" vary in the required degree of formal activities, interventions and communications. Price and Price (1966a,b) describe that courtship among the Olivos, a traditional pueblo, is staged in three compartment, the middle with two subcompartments: informal, transitional, and formal. Roughly, industrial societies (e.g., U.S.) seem to value formality but do not enforce it as such. The disintegration of formality is an established ethnographic plot for many cultures today (e.g., American Hmong).
This Thing Called Love. The Christian, commercial "romance" script does not apply to many traditional love trajectories. P'Bitek (1964/1997) provides an engaging discussion of the love trajectories of Acholi (Uganda) youth consisting of boys "shooting" or selecting previously unacquainted girls, girls initially (as a rule, incessantly) declining proposals, the start of a "love debate" that may take months. Regardless of age, unmarried men and spinsters had no social status. After a ring token has been "given to" (won by) the male, he might introduce her to the bachelor's hut, to which she may be pressured by her mother, to find out whether he is "alive": "If for some reason boy cannot or does not sleep with girl, then boy is not sexually fit. […] and that is the end of the affair between the two". Pre-pregnancy congress was severely (lethally, physically) punished.
Lateral and Central Listening / Reading / Doing. It appears that the transmission of love as a cultural construct occurs in variable distances to "mainstream" transmission routes. This renders love-as-practice a more centralised or more lateralised subcultural curriculum.
Roy (p40-2, 43-4) sketches how a Bengali girl used to be sensitised for Sanskrit love ideals in school, patterns being mixed with Western images. A poor Western equivalent would be comics. Confined in total ignorance of their sexual bodies, dedicated to virginity, under strict supervision of their mothers and the Church, young French girls nonetheless obtained a real insight into sentimental matters through an edifying literature. These books aimed to discipline the romantic temperament of young girls and convert it into the proper feeling for the right man, the future husband, for the sake of social order (Houbre; Kraakman). Among the Klamath, "erotic" songs pass under the name of pilpil or puberty songs. "They include lines on signs of womanhood, courting, love sentiments, disappointments in love, marriage fees paid to parents, on marrying and on conjugal life. […] [T]hey all refer in fact to love-making and kindred sentiments, the satiric lines confirming the proverbial inclination of lovers to fight among themselves". [The importance of magazines was detailed in §6.4.1]
Subcultures and Playgrounds: Self-Determination. Firth notes for the Tikopia: "Among the young people there is a subterranean world of conversation and pleasures, the existence of which is known to their elders but from which their age and dignity excludes them". Some cases of institutionalised co-residence provide an atmosphere that provides a degree of possibility/probability rather than pressured love development. Among the Gurungs the Rodi (youth club) is joined at age eight or nine, first at a kol-mai for young girls (8-13), where she may find "fun", or "affection, love", or at least understanding of each other's natures. As reviewed elsewhere, American heterosocial and –sexual development is organised around the school setting, institutions being experimented with here. The geography of children's peer socialisation on the subject of love is best, yet not often, studied within their verbal subcultures (e.g., Heitmann, 1988).
Countercultures. In some organisations, love and courtship customarily opposes parental preferences; these might be hypothesised as transitional. In less obvious cases, youth subcultures may tend to oppose given parental standards on associations regulated through curfews, etc. The degree in which this is apparent is based on cultural, subcultural and individual perspectives.
The Dance: Scheduled Opportunism. Occasional celebrations are instituted to provide formal and informal association with the opposite sex. The Afikpo organise a sort of unsupervised annual children's feast called egwu [mirrored c]nwa (Moonlight Dancing), where chilldren pair to form a temporary nwa ulo relationship. In the adult equivalent, these bondings are omitted. It does not involve more than a petting courtship. It was said to provide "experience in exercising sexual [self-]restraint", for boys rather to protect the female partner from sexually aggressive advances performed by other boys. Nuer "[g]irls witness serious love-making and courtship earlier than boys. At dances little girls follow their more experienced sisters and cousins, imitating their movements during the dancing and afterwards sitting with them while the young men pay them compliments and try to persude them to retire with them into the long grass".
Curricular Love Magic. Apparently, pubescence/courtship-associated love magic may be found in Africa and North America, and outside these areas. These are customs transmitted to or applied by a generation for the lower. Among the Zaire Baushi boys use "love cosmetics"; Botswana Kgatla boys use "love medicines" (meratsô); aphrodisiacs may also be used among Zaire Batetela and Mongo pubertal boys. Among the Luvale of Zambia, pubertal preparations of girls include the administration of aphrodisiac herbs and love potions. In all cases but one (Ojibwa), anatomically poetic medicines are used as well. The meaning of love magic being discussed to some extent, it was not reckoned who uses it on whom, for what purposes. Among the Jekri of the Niger Delta, "[…] juju [medicines, charms] is made to keep [a girl] virtuous, but as a rule women are not chaste until married" (Granville and Roth). Among the Plateau Thonga, children use beautifying medicines, as do adults, and with their silent approval (Colson).
Variant, Atypical and Paraphilic Love and Courtship Trajectories. As surveyed elsewhere, a wealth of studies have documented homosexual development, but few studies have thus covered the specific element of infatuation. Very few studies have provided data on paraphilic development. Theoretically, these studies provide a very important view on the sociological situation of romantic attachment "development". It provides information on the role of normality, peer control, and peer intervention (e.g., "homophobia"). This study of course has to take place within the general genetic sociology of variant, atypical and paraphilic sexual identity trajectories (see §8.3.3).
As anticipated above, love is a concept often issued and operationalised on the basis with its suspected facilitating properties as regarding sexual (risk) behaviours. To specify this often discussed case, how does an operative self-concept vis-a-vis love contribute to an operative self-concept vis-a-vis sex? This point is first illustrated by quantitative material, and secondly by case material addressing specifically the subjective constructions of the matter, institutional dissociations between exclusive dyadic affiliation and sexual connection, and semi-institutional sequencialism proscribing love and sex as interdependent curriculars. The following data briefly illustrate these formulae.
"Love" as a Subjective Retrospective Motivator for Sexarche. Moore and Rosenthal (1998) explored how, within peer cultures, sex is "legitimated within the context of romantic love". In Bulgaria, 82.3% of adolescents report "love" as their main motive for coitarche, 12.5% report to have done it "out of curiosity" and only in 7.2% it happened "by chance". In Togo, coitus among students is claimed to be motivated by love in 68.6% and by desire in 21.1%. Love would be one of the most important reasons in Norway, Slovenia, France (66%, females), and probably in most Western countries.
Sex Through Love. Conversely, research suggests that coitarche "increases", or reinforces "love". Reiss (1981:p276) and Villanueva (1997:p39-40, 48, 63, 70) on Puerto Rico argue that love may be used to "purify" and "justify" the continuance of sexual favours.
Curricular Platonism Requirements. The Bisaya (Borneo) practice informal "pairing" of eight- and nine-year-olds. Premarital chastity, however, was of great concern and the timing of sexual initiation was determined by the mother-in-law associated with their future residence (Lebar). Likewise, the Bakuria (Bantu, Kenya) who practice a form of preteen-preteen going-steady [Kisassi] are to observe the precircumcision taboo, as violation would sterilise the girl (Baker).
From Base to Base. Hatfield and Rapson (1996), however notably neglecting developmental issues, observed that in modern technologically developed societies there is a remarkable conformity in intimacy milestone sequencing, differences being found predominantly in their timing (p113-4). For the Koreans, Brandt (1971) observed that for the ages 12 to 14, "[t]here is considerable romantic longing for someone of the opposite sex, but both individuals are ashamed and pretend to dislike each other when they meet, sometimes using insults that provoke real quarrels". In this light, it is regrettable that American sexology, however focussed on mapping the chronology of intimacy trajectories hardly ever includes psychometric variables such as love and first heartbreak, along with inevitably negative exponents (first dumping, being dumped, etc.).
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-- Collins, W. A., Hennighausen, K. C., Schmit, D. T. & Sroufe, L. A. (1997) Developmental Precursors of Romantic Relationships: A Longitudinal Analysis, New Directions for Child Developm 78:69-84
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 Morrison, T. (1970) The Bluest Eye: A Novel. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, p7. As quoted by Bakerman, J. S. (1981) Failures of Love: Female Initiation in the Novels of Toni Morrison, Am Lit 52,4:541-63, at p545
 Chairetakis, A. L. (1993) Tears of blood: the Calabrian villanella and immigrant epiphanies, in Del Giudice, L. (Ed.) Studies in Italian American Folklore. Logan, Utah: Utah State University, p11-51, at p34
 McCormick, P. (1994) Taking a chance on love, U.S. Catholic 59,11:
 E.g., Bozon, M. & Heilborn, M. L. (1996) Les Caresses et les mots. Initiations amoureuses a Rio de Janeiro et a Paris, Terrain 27, Sept.:37-58. Cf. Bozon, M. & Heilborn, M. L. (2001) As caricias e as palavras. Iniciacao sexual no Rio de Janeiro e em Paris, Novos Estudos CEBRAP 59:111-35
 Parikh, Sh. (2001) Regulating Romance: The Poetics and Politics of Youth Sexuality in Uganda's Time of AIDS. Paper delivered at the conference Gender, Sexuality and HIV/AIDS: Research and Intervention in Africa, April 23-24, Department of Women and Gender Research in Medicine, Institute of Public Health, University of Copenhagen; Davis, D. A., & Davis, S. S. (1995) Possessed by love: Gender and romance in Morocco, in Jankowiak, W. (Ed.) Romantic Passion: A Universal Experience? New York: Columbia University Press, p219-38
 Johansson, B. (1995) Far jag chans pa dej? Om barns foralskelser [Do I Have a Chance with You? About Children in Love], Nord Nytt 58:86-107
 E.g., Wiley, N. (2001) Stockyards Boyhood, Stud Symbolic Interaction 24:223-42. A group of 22 poems written in midlife relate boyhood experiences and feelings about growing up as a Polish Catholic in a "Back-of-the-Yards" neighbourhood of Chicago during the 1930s and 1940s. Some of the poems describe intensely personal experiences like being secretly in love with a pretty cousin & going on a first date. Thoughts about girls and sex were heightened by the restrictions placed on them by a Catholic upbringing.
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 E.g., Zarbatany, L., McDougall, P. & Hymel, Sh. (2000) Gender-differentiated experience in the peer culture: Links to intimacy in preadolescence, Social Developm 9,1:62-79; Watts, C. L. (1997) The growth of an intimate relationship between preadolescent girls, in Selman, R. L., Watts, C. L. et al. (Eds.) Fostering Friendship: Pair Therapy for Treatment and Prevention. New York: Aldine De Gruyter, p77-100
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 Erlich, V. St. (1966) Family in Transition: A Study of 300 Yugoslav Villages. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. The author also notes that the stern prohibitions and supervision are said to lack their alleged "conditioning effect": "The readiness for love is not diminished, but on the contrary increased".
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 E.g., Oppong, Ch. (1980) From Love to Institution: Indications of Change in Akan Marriage, J Fam Hist 5,2:197-209
 Romantic love is properly defined as an experience of transcendence and would be elaborated in cultural configurations of three basic types: (1) in hierarchical and internally competitive societies, where marriage is a political matter and romantic relations are always adulterous and often nonsexual; (2) in individualistic, fragmented, and fluid societies, where love and marriage go together; and (3) in highly structured, disharmonic societies, where romantic ties between youth are severed by arranged marriages.
 Jankowiak, W. R. & Fischer, E. F. (1992) A Cross-Cultural Perspective on Romantic Love, Ethnology 31,2:149-55
 E.g., Sprecher, S. et al. (1994) Love: American Style, Russian Style, and Japanese Style, Personal Relationships 1,4:349-69
 Kaz, Sh. (2001) A depth psychology of romantic love as a cultural artefact, DAI-B 62(1-B):552
 Lutz, C. & White, G. M. (1986) The anthropology of emotions, Ann Rev Anthropol 15:405-36
 Ingoldsby, B. B. (1995) Mate selection and marriage, in Ingoldsby, B. B. & Smith, S. (Eds.) Families in Multicultural Perspective. Perspectives on Marriage and the Family. New York: The Guilford Press, p143-60; Gell, A. (1996) Amour, connaissance et dissimulation, Terrain 27:5-14
 Medora, N. P. et al. (2002) Perceived attitudes towards romanticism: A cross-cultural study of American, Asian-Indian, and Turkish young adults, J Comparat Fam Stud 33,2:155-78; Kurland, M. (1953) Romantic Love and Economic Considerations: A Cultural Comparison, J Educ Sociol 27,2:72-9
 Coates, D. L. (1999) The cultured and culturing aspects of romantic experience in adolescence, in Furman, W., Brown, B. B. et al. (Eds.) The Development of Romantic Relationships in Adolescence. Cambridge Studies in Social and Emotional Development. London: Cambridge University Press, p330-63; Bouchey, H. A. & Furman, W. () Dating and Romantic Experiences in Adolescence. To appear in Adams, G. R. & Berzonsky, M. (Eds.) The Blackwell Handbook of Adolescence. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishers. Online draft, page 15-6; Simon, V., Bouchey, H. A. & Furman, W. () The Social Construction of Adolescents' Representations of Romantic Relationships. To appear in Larose, S. & Tarabulsy, G. M. (Eds.) Attachment and Development: Vol. 2. Adolescence. Québec: Les Presses de l'Université du Québec. Online draft, page 22-7
 Cf. Malach-Pines, A. (2001) The role of gender and culture in romantic attraction, Europ Psychol 6,2:96-102; Moore, S. M. & Leung, C. (2001) Romantic beliefs, styles, and relationships among young people from Chinese, Southern European, and Anglo-Australian backgrounds, Asian J Soc Psychol 4,1:53-68; Stones, Ch. R. & Philbrick, J. L. (1989) Love Attitudes among Xhosa Adolescents in South Africa, J Soc Psychol 129,1:131-2; Fischer, K. W., Wang, L., Kennedy, B. & Chen,-Ch. (1998) Culture and Biology in Emotional Development, New Direct Child & Adolesc Developm 81:21-43
 E.g., Holland, D. C. (1992) How cultural systems become desire: A case study of American romance, in D'Andrade, R. G. & Strauss, C. (Eds.) Human Motives and Cultural Models. Publications of the Society for Psychological Anthropology, p61-89; Dunn, J. L. (1999) What love has to do with it: The cultural construction of emotion and sorority women's responses to forcible interaction, Social Problems 46,3:440-59
 See also Holland, D. C. (1992) How cultural systems become desire: A case study of American romance, in D'Andrade, R. G. & Strauss, C. (Eds.) Human Motives and Cultural Models. Publications of the Society for Psychological Anthropology. New York: Cambridge University Press, p61-89
 Dornbusch, S. M. (1989) The Sociology of Adolescence, Ann Rev Sociol 15:233-59, at p248
 Cf. Simon, R. W., Eder, D. & Evans, C. (1992) The Development of Feeling Norms Underlying Romantic Love Among Adolescent Females, Soc Psychol Quart 55,1:29-46
 Broderick, C. B. (1965) Social heterosexual development among urban Negroes and whites, J Marr & Fam 27,2:200-3
 At these ages, the white children showed the "traditional" pattern: girls were far more romantically oriented than boys although at about the same level in terms of actual heterosexual interaction. Negro boys, however, showed a high level of preadolescent heterosexual interest and involvement together with an apparent progressive disenchantment with marriage.
 Goode, W. J. (1959) The Theoretical Importance of Love, Am Sociol Rev 24,1:38-47
 Gupta, G. R. (1976) Love, arranged marriage, and the Indian social structure, J Comparat Fam Stud 7,1:75-85
 Perlman, D. et al. (1978) Cross-cultural analysis of students' sexual standards, Arch Sex Behav 7,6:545-58
 Wilkinson, M. L. (1978) Romantic Love and Sexual Expression, Fam Coord 27,2:141-8
 Cf. Rosenblatt, P. C. & Cozby, P. C. (1972) Courtship Patterns Associated with Freedom of Choice of Spouse, J Marr & Fam 34,4:689-95
 Rosenblatt, P. C. (1966) A cross-cultural study of child rearing and romantic love, J Personality & Social Psychol 4,3:336-8; Rosenblatt, P. C. (1967) Marital Residence and the Functions of Romantic Love, Ethnology 6,4:471-80; Coppinger, R. M. & Rosenblatt, P. C. (1968) Romantic Love and Subsistence Dependence of Spouses, Southwest J Anthropol 24,4:310-9; Cozby, P. C. & Rosenblatt, P. C. (1971) Privacy, love, and in-law avoidance, Proc Ann Convent Am Psychol Assoc 6(Pt. 1): 277-8
 De Munck, V. C. & Korotayev, A. (1999) Sexual Equality and Romantic Love: A Reanalysis of Rosenblatt's Study on the Function of Romantic Love, Cross-Cult Res 33,3:265-77. Cf. De Munck, V. C. (Ed., 1998) Romantic Love and Sexual Behavior: Perspectives from the Social Sciences. State U New York, New Paltz
 Hatfield, E. & Rapson, R. L. (1993) Historical and cross-cultural perspectives on passionate love and sexual desire, Ann Rev Sex Res 4:67-97. Cf. Hatfield & Rapson (1996), op.cit.
 Smith, D. J. (2001) Romance, Parenthood, and Gender in a Modern African Society, Ethnology 40,2:129-51
 E.g., Beall, A. E. & Sternberg, R. J. (1995) The Social Construction of Love, J Soc & Personal Relationships 12,3:417-38; Goncalves, M. (1999) L'Amour aujourd'hui, Sociétés [France] 2(64):77-83
 E.g., Turnaturi, G. (1994) Flirt, Seduzione, Amore. Simmel e le Emozioni. Milan: Anabasi; Pulcini, E. (1997) Per una sociologia delle emozioni, Rassegna Ital Sociol 38,4:641-9
 Landis, D. & O'Shea III, W. A. (2000) Cross-cultural aspects of passionate love: An individual differences analysis, J Cross-Cult Psychol 31,6:752-77
 Hurtubise, R. (1986) Love Relation as Social Relation: An Analysis of Love Letters in Quebec (1860-1975). Paper for the International Sociological Association
 Redman, P. (2001) The discipline of love: Negotiation and regulation in boy's performance of a romance-based heterosexual masculinity, Men & Masculinities 4,2:186-200
 McCabe, K. & Barnett, D. (2000) First comes work, then come marriage: Future orientation among African American young adolescents, Fam Relations 49,1:63-70
 SmartGirl.com online national survey Dec. 1999-Jan. 2000. Reported in Teens before their Time. Executive Summary. Girl Scouts of the USA, New York, p13
 Consider De la Cuesta, C. (2001) Taking love seriously: The context of adolescent pregnancy in Columbia, J Transcult Nursing 12,3:180-92
 E.g., Snyder, S. U. (1987) Love making: A symbolic interactionist approach to the experience of love among unmarried heterosexual young adult couples, DAI 47(8-A):3201
 In Rademakers, J. & Straver, C. (1986) Van Fascinatie naar Relatie: Het Leren Omgaan met Relaties en Sexualiteit in de Jeugdperiode; Een Ontwikkelingsdynamische Studie. Zeist [Holland]: NISSO, p129-320
 Freund, K. & Blanchard, R. (1986) The concept of courtship disorder, J Sex & Marit Ther 12,2:79-92
 Mitchell, A. M. (1929) The movies children like, Survey 63:213-6; Tennenbaum, E. (1933) Rola kina w zainteresowaniach dzieciecych [Role of the cinema in children's interests], Polskie Archiwum Psychol 6:163-8; Butterworth, R. F. & Thompson, G. G. (1951) Factors related to agegrade trends and sex differences in children's preferences for comic books, J Genet Psychol 78:71-96; Collins, S. et al. (1996) Choice of romantic, violent, and scary fairy-tale books by preschool girls and boys, Child Study J 26,4:279-302; Valkenburg, P. M. & Janssen, S. C. (1999) What Do Children Value in Entertainment Programs? A Cross-Cultural Investigation, J Communic 49,2:3-21
 Groos is known because of Freud's reference in 1905. See Groos, K. (1896) Die Spiele der Thiere. Jena: G. Fischer; (1899) Die Spiele der Menschen. Jena: G. Fischer, especially p326-33
 See overviews in preparatory articles.
 Chaimberlain, A. F. (1896) The Child and Childhood in Folk-Thought. New York [etc.]: Macmillan
 Ref. Bell (1902:p339). Babcock, W. H. (1888) Games of Washington children, Am Anthropol [old series] 1:243-84. Reprinted in Sutton-Smith, B. (Ed.) A Children's Games Anthology. New York: Arno Press. See also Lippincott's Magazine, March and September, 1886
 Gomme, A. B. (1894-8) The International Games of England, Scotland and Ireland [etc.]. 2 Vols. London: David Nutt
 Older writers used to refer to the precocious love life of intellectual celebrities (Goethe, Dante, Rousseau, Byron, Hebbel, Canova, Alfieri), presenting a problem in the pathologising of these phenomena. However, the terminology used reflected more of a diffusion of ideas than of a clinical eye. Löwenfeld (1911:p20) mentioned that erotic inclinations (here defined Verliebtheit, being in love) were, although prevalent in the younger ones, were no rarity among older children. Next to erotische Neigung, he uses the terms kindliche Erotik (p20), sexuelle Liebe (p20), geschlechtliche Liebesregungen (p20) and Vorliebe (p20). A genuine sexual precocity (gewisse sexuelle Frühreife) included violent (heterosexual) love in a 12-year-old boy: "heftige Liebe" and "Passion" (p23). See Löwenfeld, L. (1911) Über die Sexuelle Konstitution und Andere Sexualprobleme. Wiesbaden: Bergmann
 Bell, S. (1902) A preliminary study of the emotion of love between the sexes, Am J Psychol 13,3:325-54
 "Of course there is much promiscuous catching, and the game [chasing and clutching] is satisfying other instincts than of love, for instance the instinct of pursuing and catching […]" (p341).
 Adler, A. (1911) Erotische Kinderspiele, Anthropophyteia 8:256-8. They include Father-and-Mother, "Pfänderspielen", Menagerie-Spiel, Kühemelken (Cow Milking), Robinson-Spiel, Feuerwehr-Spiel (Fire-Fighter), Kot- und Urinspiele, and Wett-Spiele (Contest; "Wer höher urinieren, schneller masturbieren kann").
 "Children may learn, more or less by trial and error, from one another or from their slightly older age mates, or the learning may be from much older people. In our society, erotic/sexual play and knowledge are transmitted in all three ways. Thus, at the kindergarten age, one may observe daughters being socially rewarded for being coquettishly flirtatious with their fathers, and sons for being manly little escorts with their mothers. At the same age, kindergarten boys and girls rehearse romantic pair- bonding, complete with glamorous plans for a wedding in Baltimore, a honeymoon in the Caribbean, and a cowboy ranch in Texas". Money, J. (1980) Love and Love Sickness: The Science of Sex, Gender Difference and Pair-bonding. Baltimore / London: John Hopkins University Press, p51-53, 54
 Money, J., Cawte, J. E., Bianchi, G. N. & Nurcombe, B. (1970) Sex training and traditions in Arnhem Land, Br J Med Psychol 47:383-99
 Hartley, R. E. & Goldenson, R. M. (1957) The Complete Book of Children's Play. New York: Th. Y. Crowell. Comp., p102
 Opie, I. & Opie, P. (1959 ) The Lore & Language of Schoolchildren. Oxford: At the Clarendon Press. 1967 paperback, p328-9
 See preparatory papers.
 E.g., Richer, S. (1984) Sexual Inequality and Children's Play, Rev Canad Sociol & Anthropol / Canad Rev Sociol & Anthropol 21,2:166-80
 Malinowski , B. (1927) Sex and Repression in Savage Society. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co. Inc., p56
 "The most they will do is to speak jestingly about it to one another, discussing the love tragedies and comedies of the child world" (1927:p57). "Usually they [parents] show a kind of tolerant and amused interest, and discuss the love affairs of their children with easy jocularity. I often heard some such benevolent gossip as this: "So-and-so (a little girl) has already had intercourse with So-and-so (a little boy)". And if such were the case, it would be added that it was her first experience. An exchange of lovers, or some small love drama in the little world would be half-seriously, halfjokingly discussed" (1929:p56).
 Examples found for Goajiro, Basuto, Amhara, Nkundo, Xhosa, Baiga, Santal, Navajo, California communes
 Parca, G. (1965) Mentalità e Comportamento del Maschio Italiano. Dutch translation (1967), Italiaanse Mannen en de Liefde. Amsterdam: Contact, p27
 Fernandez, J. W. (1982) Bwiti, An Ethnography of the Religious Imagination in Africa. Princeton: Princeton University Press, p628n8
 Kokonge, M. & Erny, P. (1976) Comportements sexuels chez les Baushi Kinama (Shaba, Zaire), Psychopathol Afr 12, 1:5-33
 Sierzpowska-Ketner, A. (1997) Poland, in Francoeur, R. T. (Ed.) The International Encyclopedia of Sexuality. New York: Continuum, Vol. III. Quoted from the online edition
 Hulstaert, G. (1937) Le Marriage des Nkundó. Bruxelles: Hayes, p80, 95
 Hassrick, R. B. (1964) The Sioux. Norman: Oklahoma University Press
 Bryant, A. T. (1949) The Zulu People: As they Were Before the White Man Came. Pietermaritzburg: Shuter & Shooter
 Conn, J. (1939) Factors influencing development of sexual attitudes and sexual awareness in children, Am J Dis Child 58:738-45
 Examples of considerably formalised courtship are found for the Rungus Dusun, and traditional Hmong.
 Eyre, S. L., Hoffman, V. & Millstein, S. G. (1998) The Gamesmanship of Sex: A Model Based on African American Adolescent Accounts, Med Anthropol Quart, N. S. 12,4:467-89
 Wood, K., Maforah, F. & Jewkes, R. (1996) Sex, Violence and Constructions of Love Among Xhosa Adolescents: Putting Violence on the Sexuality Education Agenda. MRC Technical report, Medical Research Council, Cape Town; Wood, K. & Jewkes, R. (1998) 'Love is a Dangerous Thing': Micro-Dynamics of Violence in Sexual Relationships of Young People in Umtata. Medical Research Council Technical Report: Pretoria
 E.g., Spreadbury, C. L. (1982) First date, J Early Adolescence 2,1:83-9; Murphy, Eu. P. (1987) The onset of dating and sexual behavior in junior high school, DAI 47(10-B): 4323. See also studies by Kagan & Moss (1962); Broderick (1965, 1966a); Delcampo et al. (1976); Schoof-Tams, Schlaegel & Walzak (1976); Simmons, Blyth et al. (1979)
 Leite, Buoncompagno et al., (1994), Leite & Buoncompagno (1995)
 De Azevedo, Th. (1970) As Regras do Namoro no Brasil: Um Padrao Tradicional, Am Latina 13,2-3:128-52
 Schmidt & Sigusch (1973)
 JASE (1975, 1983, 1988, 1994); Hatano (1976; 1988; 1991a,b; 1993). See Hatano & Shimazaki (1998) and especially Asayama (1980 )
 Klinkenberg, D. & Rose, S. (1994) Dating scripts of gay men and lesbians, J Homosex 26,4:23-35
 Van Horn, M. L., Dowdy, B. B. & Embow, A. K. (1997) Dating as a Social Activity: The Importance of Peers. Paper presented at the 62nd Biennial Meeting of the Society for Research in Child Development, Washington, DC, April 3-6
 "Thus, pre-pubescent sexual relations occurred between boys or between boys and men, and almost always it was the boys who were the instigators. […] The minor homosexual engagements that took place between the boys themselves were […] in the nature of play",
 Blacking, J. (1959) Fictitious Kinship Amongst Girls of the Venda of the Northern Transvaal, Man 59:155-8; Blacking, J. (1978) Uses of the kinship idiom in friendships at some Venda and Zulu schools, in Argyle, J. & Preston-Whyte, E. (Eds.) Social System and Tradition in Southern Africa. Cape Town: Oxford University Press, p101-17
 "Two girls may sleep together under the same blanket as "husband" and "wife", but they do not indulge in any form of sex play […There is nothing actively sexual about these relationships, although they are in part substitutes for a more intensive relationship with boys" (1959:p157).
 Raymaekers, R. (1960) Materiaux pour une Étude Sociologique de la Jeunesse Africaine du Milieu Coutumier de Leopoldville. Leopoldville: Université Lovanium
 Bronfenbrenner, U. (1944) A Constant Frame of Reference for Sociometric Research: Part II. Experiment and Inference, Sociometry 7,1:40-75
 Alapack, R. J. (1984) Adolescent first love, Stud Soc Sci 23:101-7
 Jablonska, M. (1948) Proba analizy psychologicznej pierwszej milosci [A trial of a psychological analysis of the first love], Kwart Psychol 14,3-4:166-95, 217-9
 Bruhn, K. (1929) Tva kapitel om ungflickalderns kaerleksliv. Foersta studien: den svaermande [Two chapters on the love life of young girls. First study: the dreamer, Tidskr f Psykol & Pedagog Forskn 1:3-44; Bruhn, K. (1930) Tva kapitel om ynglingaalderns kaerleksliv. Foersta studien: Den foersta ungdomskaerleken [Two chapters on the love life of adolescent boys. First study: The first love of youth], Tidskr f Psykol & Pedagog Forskn 2:3-62
 Schbankow (1922) reported by Weiþenberg, S. (1924) [Weiteres über][D]as Geschlechtsleben der Russischen Studentinnen, Ztsch f Sexualwiss 11,1:7-14;12,6:174-6, 209-16
 Silbereisen, R. K. & Schwarz, B. (1998) Timing of First Romantic Involvement: Commonalities and Differences in the Former Germanies, in Nurmi, J. (Ed.) Adolescents, Cultures, and Conflicts: Growing Up in Contemporary Europe. New York: Garland, p129-48. Cf. Silbereisen, R. K. & Wiesner, M. (2000) Cohort change in adolescent developmental timetables after German unification: Trends and possible reasons, in Heckhausen, J. (Eds.) Motivational Psychology of Human Development: Developing Motivation and Motivating Development. Advances in Psychology, 131. New York: Elsevier Science, p271-84. Also Schmidt & Sigusch (1973); Schlaegel et al. (1975a); Schoof-Tams, Schlaegel & Walzak (1976)
 Rademakers (1986), op.cit.; Laan, M. (1994) Kinderen en hun Beleving van Lichamelijkheid [Dutch]. Doctoral dissertation, University of Amsterdam/NISSO; Laan, M., Rademakers, J. & Straver, C. (1996) Beleving lichamelijkheid en intimiteit door kinderen, Kind & Adolescent [Dutch] 17,1:32-7; Rademakers, J., Laan, M. & Straver, C. (2000) Studying children's sexuality from the child's perspective, J Psychol & Hum Sex 12,1/2: 49-60. See also some autobiographical accounts of first love in [Dolf Verroen ... et al.] (1980) Tien x Verliefd. 3rd ed., 1988. Houten [Holland]: Van Holkema & Warendorf
 Wolman, B. (1951) Sexual development in Israeli adolescents, Am J Psychother 5:531-59
 For secondary reading on childhood love behaviour, see Jay & Young (1977,1979:p41-50,83-90); Sadger (1921:p37-9); Moll (1908 ).
 Gijs, L. (2001) De Illusie van Eenheid. Dissertation, University of Utrecht, The Netherlands, p237
 Just (1897) Die Liebe im Kindesalter, Prax Erziehungskunde 11; Speyer, R. (1904) Die Liebe bei den Kindern, Die Kinderfehler 9:21-5; Pfister, O. (1922) Die Liebe des Kindes und ihre Fehlentwicklungen: Ein Buch für Eltern und Berufserzieher. Bern: Bircher; Pfister, O. (1925) Die Liebe vor der Ehe und Ihre Fehlentwicklungen. Bern:, p204-7. Other interesting articles in this respect include Wolffheim, N. (1958) Wie Kinder wirklich sind: Erlebtes aus einem Kindergarten, Prax Kinderpsychol & Kinderpsychia 7:16-23; Wolffheim, N. (1966) Kinderlieben, in Psychoanalyse im Kindergarten. München [etc.]: G. Biermann, p124-33. Reprinted in Kentler, H. (Ed.) Texte zur Sozio-Sexualität. [Opladen]: Leske, p80-6
 Wulffen, E. (1913) Das Kind: Sein Wesen und Seine Entartung. Berlin: Langenscheidt
 Kernberg, P. F. & Richards, A. K. (1994) An application of psychoanalysis: The psychology of love in preadolescents as seen through children's letters, in Richards, A. K. & Richards, A. D. (Eds.) The Spectrum of Psychoanalysis: Essays in Honor of Martin S. Bergmann. Madison, CT.: International Universities Press, p199-218
 "[…] the undisputed fact that boys and girls are used by young men and women freely in their love-affairs and intrigues as mediums to send presents of ha[?]n[?]dia (rice-beer) to the lover or ukhra (fried paddy) or articles of toilet to the beloved. Very frequently, children thus act as go-betweens in adult love-making and become very helpful in the conduct of affairs in hills and jungles, and naturally enough, as they grow up, they (children) get accustomed to love themselves and come to relish the flavour of such adventures". The Kama Sutra lists 8 kinds of go-betweens in a specific chapter.
 Devereux, G. (1948) The Mohave Indian Kamalo:y, J Clin Psychopath 9:433-57
 E.g., Bumroongsook, S. (1995) Love and Marriage: Mate Selection in Twentieth-Century Thailand. Bangkok: Chulalongkorn University Press, p136-52
 E.g., Tegels, R. (1994) "Verkering of geen Verkering; That's the Question!"; Een Onderzoek naar de Rol van Verkering in de Seksuele Socialisatie van Adolescenten. Utrecht [Holland]. An average Dutch first "verkering" was found of 15,6 years. See Spruijt, E. (1993) Relaties: Feiten, opvattingen en problemen, in Meeus, W. (Ed.) Jongeren in Nederland. Amersfoort [Holland]: Academische Uitgeverij, p56-78
 E.g., Conn (1939:p743-4), op.cit.
 Pauw, B. A. (1963) The Second Generation: A Study of the Family among Urbanized Bantu in East London. Cape Town: Oxford University Press. Chapter 6, p108-23, deals with pre-marital sexuality.
 Merten, D. E. (1996) Going-With: The Role of a Social Form in Early Romance, J Contemp Ethnogr 24,4:462-84. On the basis of extensive interviewing, the author concludes that "going-steady" is constituted and construed ("the context in which individuals are obliged to pursue their attraction to each other") results in patterns of interaction and meanings that negatively affect the realisation of romance.
 E.g., Shapira, R. (1947) Al hayomanim shel b'ne han'urim [About adolescents' diaries], Ofakim 4,4:40-5. For material see Bruhn (1929, 1930); Buehler, Ch. (1932) Jugendtagebuch und Lebenslauf. Zwei Mädchentagebücher. Jena: Fischer; Buehler, Ch. (1925) Zwei Knabentagebücher. Jena: Fischer; Buehler, C. (1934) Drei Generationen im Jugendtagebuch. Jena: Fischer; Abegg, W. (1954) Aus Tagebüchern und Briefen Junger Menschen; Ein Beitrag zur Psychologie des Entwicklungsalters. München / Basel: E. Reinhardt; Ulin, C. (1944) Personlighetsbildningen hos Unga Flickor [Formation of Personality in Young Girls]. See also Iovetz-Tereschenko, N. M. (1936) Friendship-Love in Adolescence.
 Okami, P. (2002) Dear Diary: A useful but imperfect method, in Wiederman, M. W. & Whitley, B. E. Jr. (Eds.) Handbook for Conducting Research on Human Sexuality. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum, p195-207
 Abraham, L. (2000) True Love, Time Pass, Bhai-Behen…… Heterosexual Relationships among the Youth in a Metropolis. Paper presented at Convention Reproductive Health in India: New Evidence and Issues. Tata Management Training Centre, Pune, Maharastra, India. February 28 - March 1. Abraham, L. (2002) Bhai-behen, true love, time pass: Friendships and sexual partnerships among youth in an Indian metropolis, Culture, Health & Sexuality 4,3:337-53
 See also Ramakrishna, J. et al. (2001) Boy-girl Relations: Cultural Influences on Sexual Perceptions and Behaviours among Adolescents in South India. Paper for presentation at the 3rd IASSCS conference in Melbourne, 1-3 Oct. 2001, p7-11
 Gough, K. (1961) Nayar: Central Kearla, in Schneider, D. M. & Gough, K. (Eds.) Matrilineal Kinship. Berkeley & Los Angelos, p298-404
 Thomas, F. (1934) Some Sociological Principles Underlying Child Development, Social Forces 12,4:508-14, at p 512
 Jackson, S. (1982) Childhood and Sexuality. Oxford: Basil Blackwell
 Jackson, S. (2001) Happily never after: Young women's stories of abuse in heterosexual love relationships, Feminism & Psychol 11,3:305-21
 Berges E. T. et al. (1983) Children & Sex: The Parents Speak. N.Y.: Facts on File, p129-32
 Hunter, M. (1953 ) Reaction to Conquest. 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, p180-4
 E.g., Voss, L. S. (1997) Teasing, Disputing, and Playing: Cross-Gender Interactions and Space Utilization among First and Third Graders, Gender & Society 11,2:238-56, at p245; Simon, Eder & Evans (1992:p35)
 Cf. Junod, H. (1898) Les Ba-Rongo. Neuchatel: Attinger Frères. The term chigango here implies premarital liberty
 Price, R. & Price, S. (1966a) Noviazgo in an Andalusian Pueblo, Southwest J Anthropol 22:302-22; Price, R. & Price, S. (1966b) Stratification and Courtship in an Andalusian Village, Man, N. S., 1,4:526-33
 P'Bitek, O. (1964) Acholi Love, Transition 17:28-33. Reprinted in Transition 75/76 (1997):182-90
 Walkerdine, V. (1987) No laughing matter: Girls' comics and the preparation for adolescent sexuality, in Broughton, J. M. (Ed.) Critical Theories of Psychological Development. PATH in psychology. New York: Plenum Press, p87-125
 Houbre, G. (2000) Como a literatura chega as jovens: França, primeira metade do seculo XIX [How literature is imparted to youth: France, first half of the 19th century], Tempo [Brazil] 5,9:11-27; Kraakman, D. (1994) Reading pornography anew: a critical history of sexual knowledge for girls in French erotic fiction, 1750-1840, J Hist Sex 4,4:517-48
 Gatschet, A. S. (1890) The Klamath Indians of Southwestern Oregon. Washington: Gov't. Print. Off.
 Messerschmidt, D. A. (1976) The Gurungs of Nepal. Warminster, England: Aris & Phillips, p50, 51
 See preparatory literature review, Playground Sexualities: The Sync and Symbiosis of School Curricula and Gendered/Eroticised Trajectories.
 Heitmann, V. (1988) Obsceniteit, Romantiek en Dood in de Mondelinge Traditie van Noorse Schoolkinderen. University of Amsterdam, The Netherlands. 2 vols.
 E.g., Central Thai (1900-1930); pre-modern Okinawans, Hopi, Hmong
 Zaire (Baushi, Batetela, Mongo), Zambia (Luvale), Botswana (Kgatla), Zimbabwe (Shona), Uganda (Acholi).
 Round Lake Ojibwa (Rogers). Love medicine was used by the Assiniboine (Rodnick), Cree, Blackfeet (e.g., Ewers) and Yanoama ("young men" and women to aid them in their quest for mates.
 Toradja girls use love magic in order to attract young men; Rungus Dusun (Appell) [also anti-love magic]; Trobrianders (Weiner) [also beauty magic]
 Kokonge, M. & Erny, P. (1976) Comportements sexuels chez les Baushi Kinama (Shaba, Zaire), Psychopathol Afr 12, 1:5-33
 Shirley and Romney (1962) found a significant correlation of sexual socialisation anxiety (W&Ch.) with the use of love magic (p<.001), thus adding plausibility to Whiting and Child's concept of "negative fixation", which held that "[a]s a result of deprivation and punishment with respect to [a] system of behavior [thus, sexual/love system], […] the individual should come to respond to this system of behavior with internal states of anxiety and insecurity which would function as a drive" (1953:p146) (cf. Textor 305/311x447). In other words, sexual restraint would provoke (rather than peripheralise) the need for (later) active promotions of human affectionate bonding. Another perhaps more plausible explanation would be that both factors tend to co-occur where the need to control sexual curricula is high.
In previous work, it was not acknowledged in what phase love magic is used [Rosenblatt, P. C. (1971) Communication in the Practice of Love Magic, Social Forces 49,3:482-7], but it seems reasonable that adolescence would be the likely time. A review of selected cases, however, suggests that its use within marriage ("love stabiliser", "reviver") is more common.
 Unpuslished review material by the author.
 Moore, S. M. & Rosenthal, D. A. (1998) Contemporary youths' negotiations of romance, love, sex, and sexual disease, in De Munck, V. C. (Ed., 1998) Romantic Love and Sexual Behavior: Perspectives from the Social Sciences. State U New York, New Paltz, p233-47
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 Studies chronologically organised.
 Q=Questionnaire, R=Retrospective, I=Interview, PI=Picture Interpretation, SSI=Semi-Structured Interview, PQ=Parental Questionnaire, DA= Drawing Assignment, O=Observation; TO=Teachers' Observations; JLS= Juvenile Love Scale [See Davis, C. M. et al. (Eds., 1998) Handbook of Sexuality-Related Measures. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage Publ., p447-9]
 Weiþenberg, S. (1924) [Weiteres über][D]as Geschlechtsleben der russischen Studentinnen, Ztsch f Sexualwiss 11,1:7-14; 12,6:174-6;?:209-16
 Ellis, A. (1948) Questionnaire Versus Interview Methods in the Study of Human Love Relationships. II. Uncategorized Responses, Am Sociol Rev 13,1:61-5
 Wolman, B. (1951) Sexual development in Israeli adolescents, Am J Psychother 5:531-59
 Broderick, C. B. & Fowler, B. (1961) New Patterns of Relationships between the Sexes among Preadolescents, Marr & Fam Living 23,1:27-30.
 Broderick, C. B. (1965) Social heterosexual development among urban Negroes and whites, J Marr & Fam 27,2:200-3
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 Kephart, W. M. (1967) Some Correlates of Romantic Love, J Marriage & Fam 29,3:470-4; Kephart, W. M. (1973) Evaluation of romantic love, Med Asp Hum Sex 7:92,98, 100,106-8
 Broderick, C. B. & Rowe, G. P. (1968) A Scale of Preadolescent Heterosexual Development, J Marr & Fam 30,1:97-101
 Broderick, C. B. & Weaver, J. (1968) The Perceptual Context of Boy-Girl Communication, J Marr & Fam 30,4:618-27
 Sigusch, V. & Schmidt, G. (1973) Jugendsexualität. Dokumentation einer Untersuchung. Stuttgart: Enke
 Schlaegel, J. et al. (1975) Sexuelle Sozialisation in Vorpubertät, Pubertät und früher Adoleszens, Sonderdruck aus Sexualmedizin 4:206-18;306-25;381-8
 Schoof-Tams, K., Schlaegel, H. & Walzak, L. (1976) Differentiation of sexual morality between 11 and 16 years, Arch Sex Behav 5:353-70
 Caletti, G. (1980) Report on the sexual behavior of a selected group of people, in Forleo, R. (Ed.) Medical Sexology. Littleton, Mass : PSG Pub. Co, p144-7
 Dixon, J. K. (1984) The commencement of bisexual activity in swinging married women over age thirty, J Sex Res 20,1:71-90
 Meyer-Bahlburg, H., Ehrhardt et al. (1985) Idiopathic precocious puberty in girls: Psychosexual development, J Youth & Adol 14,4:339-53
 Hatfield, E., Schmitz, E., Cornelius, J. & Rapson, R. L. (1988) Passionate love: How early does it begin? J Psychol & Human Sexuality 1,1:35-51
 Hatfield, E., Brinton, C. & Cornelius, J. (1989) Passionate love and anxiety in young adolescents, Motivation & Emotion 13,4:271-89
 Perkins, R. (1991) Working Girls: Prostitutes, Their Life and Social Control. Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology
 Smith, S. E., Snow, Ch. W., Ironsmith, M. & Poteat, G. M. (1993) Romantic dyads, friendships, and the social skill ratings of preschool children, Early Educ & Developm 4,1:59-67
 Newman, B. S. & Muzzonigro, P. G. (1993) The Effects of Traditional Family Values on the Coming Out Process of Gay Male Adolescents, Adolescence 28,109:213-26
 Nöstlinger, Ch. & Wimmer-Puchinger, B. (1994) Geschützte Liebe: Jugendsexualität und AIDS. Vienna
 Laan, M. (1994) Kinderen en hun Beleving van Lichamelijkheid [Dutch]. Doctoral dissertation, University of Amsterdam/NISSO; Laan, M., Rademakers, J. & Straver, C. (1996) Beleving lichamelijkheid en intimiteit door kinderen, Kind & Adolescent [Dutch] 17,1:32-7; Rademakers, J., Laan, M. & Straver, C. (2000) Studying children's sexuality from the child's perspective, J Psychol & Hum Sex 12,1/2: 49-60
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 Hill, C. A, Blakemore, J. & Drumm, P. (1997) Mutual and unrequited love in adolescence and adulthood, Personal Relationships 4,1:15-23
 Montgomery, M. J. & Sorell, G. T. (1998) Love and dating experience in early and middle adolescence: Grade and gender comparisons, J Adolesc 21,6:677-89
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 References cf. Table I, op.cit.