The (early) sexual milestones of the urban Japanese were monitored regularly, for instance as reported by Asayama and Hatano. These large studies prove of minor value in interpreting Japanese sexual culture, which has been the agenda of many Western scholars. Quite generally, “In Japanese society sexuality is considered part of one's inward, hidden life; however, there are few notions of guilt or prohibition. Although the legal system was changed in 1945 under US pressure to shift from a patriarchal family system to a more egalitarian one, the patriarchal system remains quite strong” in 1984.
In an interesting, and to some extent unique, article, Mamiya (1956) measured “excitability to words, sentences, anatomical figures and pictures with sexual content by means of GSR [galvanic skin resistance?] and respiratory rate recordings” apparently in peripubescents. The results would suggest “[a] period from to 13 years old [...] to be the one of psychosexual change which is earlier than physiological maturation” [Psychinfo]. This is interesting since drawings by Japanese peripubescents, as compared to those drawn in other parts of the world, and while being more detailed and sophisticated in general, “sexual details were nonexistent”.
Herold (1985) states that from the sixteenth century on, marriage could be conducted by puberty, menarche occurring at ages 12-14. Puberty was marked by a change of dress (genpuku), its timing being variable over the centuries. Sexual education was provided by the grandparental, not the parental generation; it largely consisted of the introduction to prostitution after the genpuku (p688). Legal age distinctions were historically placed at 7, 10 and 16 (603-967), 15 (967-1467), and 15 or 13 (1467-1603). Until in the 20th century, male and female dormitory systems were widespread, entered by males from 15-25; a “double morality” would have been relevant here (p695), with more freedom for males. Marriage could occur at age 13 (females) and 15 (males), among the noblemen at 12 or 13 (p697, 698).
Child betrothal among the Ainu was infrequent and its outcome negotiable (Bachelor, 1892:141-2).
On May 5th, Japanese families
celebrate Tango-no-Sekku, the Boy’s Festival, to honour the healthy growth
and development of the young boys in the family. Girl’s get their own day on
March 3rd, where families display traditional Hina Dolls and eat a special
tri-coloured treat called Girl’s Day Mochi. Boy’s Day is celebrated across
[A downloadable 1996
German MA dissertation details the history of sex education in
DeMause (e.g., 1991) repeatedly interprets the makeup of Japanese society as “incestuous” [orig. footnotes]:
“The average Japanese today sleeps with his or her children until the children are ten or fifteen years old”, - one recent Japanese study found daughters still sleeping with their fathers over 20 percent of the time even after age sixteen. Even when the home contains a dozen rooms or more, parents and grandparents feel "lonely" if they sleep apart from the children in the family, and therefore go to bed with some child every night (the mean age in one study of children sleeping alone is 12.7 years). Since so many families still practice what is termed dakine co-sleeping - with the parent or grandparent sleeping while physically embracing the child, a practice said to be beneficial to the health of the adult” - and since most Japanese parents still regularly have sexual intercourse while the child is in bed with them, one wonders how scholars can continue to maintain that nothing sexual usually happens to the Japanese child in the family bed, particularly since none have yet asked the children themselves about their sexual experiences”.
observers even today often notice that Japanese mothers masturbate their
young children during the day in public and at night in the family bed-in
order, they say, "to put them to sleep”. The average Japanese mother
sleeps with her children until they are ten or fifteen years old,
traditionally sleeping “skin-to-skin” (dakine) while embracing her child
because the father-as in the traditional gynarchy-is usually absent, over
two-thirds of Japanese husbands being involved in extramarital intercourse. Japanese mothers often teach
their sons how to masturbate, helping them achieve first ejaculation in much
the same manner as with toilet training. A “mental health hotline” in
DeMause (1994/1998; cf. 1991) further argues:
“Childhood in contemporary
Buschan ([1921:p250]) states that, particularly in the south, boys were prepared systematically for prostitution “von Kindesbeinen an” (cf. Ploß / Renz, 1912:p551). Drew and Drake (1969:p109-16) state that boys were trained per digitum (often) by former prostitutes from age 8 or 9.
The “incestuous” climate (co-sleeping,
masturbation instruction, prostitution, pederasty) of
“both maternal closeness and strong family ties bring about a strong feeling of dependency and a resultant suppression of sexuality or genital primacy. The Japanese mother does not encourage maleness in a genital sense”.
Caudill and Plath (1974) similarly argue that Japanese co-sleeping implies
“[...] a strong cultural emphasis upon the nurturant aspects of family life and a correlative de-emphasis of its sexual aspects” (Connor).
De Vos and Wagatsuma (1973:p54) add that “parents must use opportunities when children are absent or asleep for sexual congress”. The claims of Kitahara (1989:p56) are not paralleled by similar claims.
Edwardes and Masters (1961:p80) write: “Coitus between little
boys and girls is quite common in
Cornell and Smith (1956:p73):
“Infant sexuality [?] is accepted unless it occurs in what is regarded as inappropriate surroundings. Small children indulge in sexual play without censure, several common games having clear sexual overtones. Masturbation is regarded as harmless in very small children, but as the child grows older he is likely to hear warnings from elders and stories about the adverse physical and mental effects the practice has on growing youth. This advice stresses the increased nervousness and fatigue that allegedly result from masturbation”.
Mothers co-sleep with infants until the birth of a second, and maternal co-bathing with sons may continue till age 12, or when they begin to object (Lebra, 1985:p176). Thus, it is common for a Japanese mother to bathe and sleep with her son even after her offspring reaches the age of puberty, states Kitahara. Thus:
“Co-bathing is equally significant, continuing until the age of six and beyond. Mothers sometimes wash their children even after they have reached adolescence. Although sexual motivations are vigorously disavowed during these activities, research reveals a pattern that links co-sleeping and co-bathing to incest. For boys, this incestuous activity with mother is so traumatic that the notion of sexuality with other females is repugnant, marriage is often impossible, and fears of impotence are common. Even granted that incest does not occur in many instances, the libidinal excitation experienced by Japanese children during these experiences is extreme. […] Mothers flick their sons' penises while bathing them and joke about how prolific their sons will be as adults. They masturbate their children in public to keep them quiet. They masturbate them at night to put them to sleep”.
“Adults playfully tweak the penises of little boys and may put little children of both sexes to sleep by prolonged patting of the buttocks. They do not tell their children about the nature of sex and expect them not to know, yet the children hear much thinly-disguised discussion of sexual relationships and, sleeping with their parents as they do, may be vaguely aware of their parents’ relations. Parents expect their children to learn of sex “naturally” as they grow older. As Maloney reports , there is little masturbation among small children, but two of Pitts’ informants reported that adolescent boys sometimes hold masturbation contests to see who can ejaculate the fastest. This practice is said to stop with the beginning of heterosexual activity”.
A 66-year-old woman would argue that “a male
after seven years does not sit with a woman” (Danjo nanasai nishite seki o
onnachu sezu). In rural
“In the premodern community, children of similar ages formed peer groups and played together near their farm homes, in a backyard, an open field, or in the barn. The children often obtained interesting and helpful information related to sex from observing the farm animals; in this manner, sexuality education went on in an informal manner. The “doctor/nurse play” they often enjoyed within their peer group in a secret space provided sexual information and fantasy, which in turn helped them form a healthy sexual identity of their own” (Hatano and Shimazaki, 1997).
Today, little seems changed even in industrial environments. “For small children, provided they confine such indulgences to private contexts, playing with these [genitals] is no big deal. They can play “doctors” with no comparative impunity; they naturally tire of this just as rapidly as they do a game with Transformer robots or electronic talking dolls. […] Women bathing boys often flick nascent appurtenances with a finger, laughing about the lady-killer its proud owner will grow up to be” (Bornoff, 1991:p127-8).
Issei families and, to a lesser extent, Nisei families maintain the traditional, patriarchal and hierarchical family structures and relationship found in the traditional Japanese family, are restrained and are not less physically demonstrative in their expressions of affection, love, and intimacy; and rigidly control the sexual expressions and behaviour of children (Hirayama and Hirayama, 1986).
§ Pike, F. (1997) Where some sons do have them, Spectator, Jan 18;278,8790:20-1
Smith (1912) had argued that “there is a good deal of ‘freedom of speech’ on all sex matters among all classes of people as compared with Western standards of modesty”, ranging from “talk and stories of nurses and servants in the case of well-to-do and of playmates in the cases of poor children”. Smith further discussed “a real effort in the secondary schools at proper sex education, at least for the girls”. As a matter of fact, the contributors to Human Sexuality, a 1905 initiative of physician Fujikawa Yû generally advocated that Japanese schools adopt a program of sexual pedagogy modelled on German practices. Frühstük writes:
“Most pedagogues who contributed
to the  debate in the Yomiuri shinbun [daily newspaper] agreed that sex
education was necessary primarily "to avoid the horrible consequences of
masturbation” [...] Yubara Motoichi, the head of Tôkyô Ongaku Gakkô [Tokyo
school of music], suggested discussing sexual instinct in a way that would
not embarrass young boys and girls. He also thought it essential to separate
boys and girls during sex education. Masturbation, he argued, was to be
mentioned rarely and only if absolutely necessary, and before doing so a
doctor was to be consulted. [...] For Washiyama Yayoi [...] founder and
Norbeck and Norbeck ([1956:p672]) later observed: “Although parents seldom or never include direct reference to sexual relations in instruction regarding the proper deportment of girls, by the time a girl has reached puberty she has learned thoroughly that pre-marital sex experience is not only prohibited but also that it may be disastrous”.
Castro-Vazquez,-Genaro; Kishi,-Izumi, 'Nemureru
ko wo okosu mono dearu': Learning about Sex at a
Kawahara, Yukari (1996) Politics, pedagogy, and sexuality: sex education in Japanese
secondary schools. Unpublished PhD. dissertation,
· Kawahara, Yukari (2000) Diverse Strategies in Classroom Instruction: Sex Education in Japanese Secondary Schools, Japanese Studies 20,3:295-311
· Norbeck (1954)
· Shimamoto, M. (1988) [Present situation of knowledge about sex in adolescents and future sex education], [Jap J Child & Adolesc Psychia] 29,2:87-91
Tsubakita, T. (2000) Sex Education in Children
and Children’s Fantasy about Sexuality, in Chen, Sh. J., Furutsuka, T. &
Shirotani, Y. (Eds.) Research and Clinical Center for Child Development
Annual Report, 1998-1999. No. 22.
White, M. I. (1993) The Material Child:
Coming of Age in
Psychohistorians have surveyed
Japanese age stratified homosexuality (DeMause, 1991; Kitahara, 1989:p57-9). As it appears, ancient
Leupp (1995) provides a rich historical analysis on man’s passion for ‘boys’ (p33,
38-46, 68, 94, 122-9, 143, 151-2). The author remarks that“[…] references to
"beautiful boys"[note omitted in puppet plays and collections of
humor from the seventeenth century suggest that many men in the gentry
(yangban) class retained boys for sexual purposes. Homosexuality seems to
have been especially associated with provincial gentlemen. Some of these men
(like the literati of
Among the Samurai, “[w]ithin class-based confines, all youths [wakashu] between puberty and adulthood were potential sexual partners for adult males, just as all women potentially were” (Schalow, 1989:p121; 1990). Pederasty by the aristocracy and priesthood is well documented as occurring since at least the 14th century, with young boys given by their parents to be used anally by samurais and by priests in monasteries- the boys sometimes having been worshipped as gods incarnate in religious cults similar to those of the cult of the Virgin in the West. In Medieval Japan, “[f]or men, desires are fulfillable in a range of forms, from intercourse with women and young boys to wet dreams and masturbation. These acts, for which there were no separate words, in and of themselves receive no negative judgement” (Tonomura, 1994:p148).
During the 14th and 15th century, a specific genre of love poems or novels (Chigo Monogatari) were written that surround a homosexual theme of Buddhist priests and boys aged between seven and fourteen (Childs) or 10/11 to 16/17 (W&I), called chigo, residing at the temples (Childs, 1980; cf. Watanabe and Iwata, 1989:p38-46; Leupp, 1995:p38-9). “It seems that the Buddhist priests who taught these boys in secluded mountain temples were relatively safe from the temptations of women, but were susceptible to the charms of the chigo who lived in their midst. A popular saying, Ichi chigo ni sannō (“Chigo come first, the god of the mountain second”), reflects the prevalence of sexual relationships between priests and chigo”. Among the samurai, the chigo (lit., young child) was to make way for the wawashu (lit., young man). The wawashu would be aged 13/14 to18/19 (W&I, p47), or up to majority (p117), their love being called shudo. Whereas chigos were to engage in anal intercourse only, the menu was more variable in the case of wawashus (p119, 121). The authors argue against the influence of Christianity in the deterioration of shudo, beginning in the 18th century; rather it would have its origin in “the precipitate modernisation of the whole of Japanese society” (p26-8, 121-4).
“The 'Golden Age' of nanshoku ('man-boy' sexual activity) is now
identified as Genroku, but did later
“The popularity of boy love among shosei (young male students in Meiji period) is often mentioned in Meiji literature such as Tsubouchi Shoyo’s Tosei Shosei Katagi or Mori Ogai’s Vita Sexualis. Not a few young men at that time still considered that women were not worth loving and preferred boys as their lovers because they believed that they could improve their strength as “real men”, both emotionally and intellectually, through homosexual love. However, under the influence of the Western ideal of love and Western psychiatry, both of which only justify heterosexual relationships, Japanese intellectuals began to think that male homosexuality is “unnatural” and “immoral” “.
Subcultures of contemporary Japanese manga allow
an inspiration by the ancient ways in their renewed concept and expression of
“boy-love”. Japanese censorship ethics may, as is argued, “revolve around
political struggles whose import is not the censoring of offensiveness per
se, but is rather authoritarianism's basic yet desperate desire to assert
itself in an increasingly liberal political climate”, having had “the unique
side effect of creating safe spaces of sexual fantasy (for children, for
example) […]” (Helms). In 1999, Diamond and Uchiyama observed that “there are no specific child
pornography laws in
Contemporary Japanese “boy-love” apparently includes women’s taste for ‘beautiful youths’ (bishoonen) as “androgynous [beings] who possesses a feminine sensibility and yet [experience] all the advantages of a male body” (McLelland, 2000a,b,c,d; 2001)  YAOI, for instance, is “an acronym formed from the first letters of the Japanese words YAma nashi [no climax], Ochi nashi [no point] and Imi nashi [no meaning] and refers to those boy-love stories in which there is less romantic plot development and more emphasis placed on the sex scenes between the male characters”.
With Rorikon (loli/rori= Lolita, kon/con= Complex) is meant the schoolgirl-craze most typically associated with Japanese middle-aged males. A number of associated iconographic and pornographic niches exist: Shotacon (the boy equivalent of lolicon), toddlerkon, and so forth. As Sharon Kinsella notes, the Japanese iconical ‘Lolita’ is mirrored by the girls’ Cuteness (kawaii) cult. Few sociological insights are had in contemporary Occidental reading of this matter.
“The young male enthusiasts of the rorikon manga, commonly referred to as the otaku, a term connoting “socially inept young male,” have seen their social status rise in relative terms over the course of the 1990s. As earlier works show, in the early 1990s the term otaku described the emergence of a breed of sexually frustrated young males obsessed with perverse hobbies who sought refuge in a virtual world, and otaku became a designator for a social problem”.
§ Berndt, J. (1995) Phänomen Manga. Comic-Kultur in Japan.
§ Graham, D. (2002) Exhibit highlights battle between good and evil, Toronto Star, July 18, Ontario Edition
§ Jones, S. (2003)
Oriental Lolitas, New Statesman,
§ Kadri, F. (2001)
§ Seward, J. (1995)
Japanese Eroticism. A Language Guide to
Current Comics. 2nd ed.
§ The darker side
of cuteness, Economist,
§ Angles, Jeffrey
M., Writing the love of boys:
Representations of male-male desire in the literature of Murayama Kaita and
Edogawa Ranpo (
§ Hernández, Christian (2005) La cultura rorikon en la sociedad japonesa contemporánea.
§ McLelland, Mark
(2005) The World of YAOI: New Media and
the Emergence of a Global "Boy Love" Fandom [public lecture,
St. Lucia Campus,
General additional refs.:
Carpenter, E. (1914) Intermediate
Types among Primitive Folk. American edition.
§ Jñanavira, Dh. (nd?) Homosexuality in the Japanese Buddhist Tradition, Western Buddhist Rev3, at http://www.westernbuddhistreview.com/vol3/homosexuality.html
Contemporary Japanese culture has an
established concern for preadult sexual misdemeanour. This includes the phenomenon of
“amateur prostitution” (enjo-kousai, see below) in late adolescence. It was argued that the causes of [juvenile]
sexual delinquency include a “breakdown of family bonds, instigation by
mass-media, a social tendency that people tend to indulge in momentary
pleasures, and education unconcerned with sexual morality”. Whatever the
causes, LeTendre recently found that the social
construct of hormones as an intoxicating and distracting force was common
Opposing currents, Savells argued that, cross-culturally, juvenile delinquency was low, while the number of sexual offences had been steadily dropping. Shibuya (1999) further argued that in most articles published in Kyoiku-Jiron during Japan’s Meiji Period (late 19th-early 20th century), behaviours entitled “sexually delinquent” were “uncritically problematized, with authors concluding that youth should be strictly supervised and youth sexuality controlled”. Takahashi (1993) had argued that, while “traditional” Japanese sex education emphasized training in the practical method of sexual intercourse, “modern” Japanese sex education is “a mechanism of social control and a reaction to sexual delinquency. Though sexual delinquency is commonly believed to be linked to presentation of information about sex in the mass media, no such linkage has been established, and sexual delinquency among Japanese has not significantly increased”.
short link list to the teenage prostitution phenomenon commonly known as Enjo Kosai (links unchecked since
‘Enjo Kosai’ – Sex, Schoolgirls and Consumerism in
Last year a Inter-Asia Cultural Studies issue, Volume 4, Number 2 / August 2003 with 4 articles:
§ UENO, C. (2003)
Self-determination on sexuality? Commercialization of sex among teenage girls
§ HO, J. (2003)
From Spice Girls to enjo kosai: formations of teenage girls’ sexualities in
§ KIM, E-S.A (2003) culture that cultivates the prostitution of teenage women: based on the experiences of prostitution among teenage women, Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 4,2:337-352
§ LAM, O-W. (2003)
Why did enjo kosai anchor in
Does comic relief hurt kids?
Is the eroticization of children in Japanese anime a serious social
problem or just a form of rebellion
Who’s your sugar daddy?
Veiled prostitution or Japanese tradition? The question of geisha and
their modern equivalents hits the stage, reports Jacqueline Maley.
E: Enjo Kosai
Subsidized dating, or enjo kosai , is the catchphrase that has been
coined for the worrying phenomena of teenage prostitution, whereby
high-school girls date older men for financial compensation. Held up as
an example of declining moral values in
fuelled by the increase in “telephone clubs” where men pay to wait in a
cubicle for a call from a potential date. Female callers ring in on the
free-dial numbers often advertised on the free packs of tissues
distributed outside stations and on busy streets. The extent of the
problem is probably nowhere near as large as reported in the media,
although there’s certainly more to it than the hoo-ha from a few years
back over schoolgirls selling their used underwear to sex shops.
‘Rorikon’ trade nurturing a fetish for young females
‘Suikerooms’ lokken steeds meer gegoede kinderen in de prostitutie
Enjo kosai: teen prostitution, a reflection of society’s ills
September 4, 1998
Survey disputes ‘enjo-kosai’ hype
@ Aobakai “
Nina HQ La
The Contribution of Japanese Culture on the Development of Enjo Kosai
Junior, Integrative Biology, UC Berkeley
Prof. Nelson Graburn: “Anthropology of
Thesis in progress:
Stokes CL - Enjo Kosai - the commodification of feminine sexuality in
Fruhstuck, S. (2003) Colonizing
Sex: Sexology and Social Control in Modern
· Fujita, H., Miura, M. & Hosomizu, R. (1984) [Various aspects of sexuality in delinquent girls through their compositions], [Jap J Criminal Psychol] 22,-43
· Yap, J. G. (1986) Philippine ethnoculture and human sexuality, J Social Work & Hum Sex 4,3:121-34
D. F., Growing Up Sexually.
Last revised: Nov 2005
 E.g., Asayama, Sh. (1949) Sexual Behavior of the Present-Day Japanese Students; Asayama, Sh. (1957) Comparison of sexual development of American and Japanese adolescents, Psychologia 1:129-31; Asayama, Sh. (1975) Adolescent sexual development and adult sex behavior in Japan, J Sex Res 11,2:91-112; Asayama, Sh. (1976) Sexual behavior in Japanese students: comparisons for 1974, 1960 and 1952, Arch Sex Behav 5,5:371-90; Asayama, Sh. (1980) Existing state and future trend of sexuality in Japanese students, in Forleo, R. & Pasini, W. (Eds.) Medical Sexology. Amsterdam [etc.]: Elsevier, p114-30
 E.g., Hatano, Y. (1991) Changes in the sexual activities of Japanese youth J Sex & Educ Ther 17,1:1-14; Hatano, Y. (1993) Sexual activities of Japanese youth, J Sex & Educ Ther 19,2:131-44
 Bauhain, C. & Tokitsu, K. (1984) Structures familiales et sexualité au Japon, à l’epoque moderne, Cahiers Int Sociol 31, 76:71-90
 Mamiya, T. (1956) Sei-teki hattatsu no rinkaiki ni kansuru mondai: Chukan hokoku [Problem of the critical period of psychosexual development], Jap J Educ Psychol 4:21-7
 Iwawaki, S. & Vandewiele, M. (1989) L’Etre humain dessiné par les écoliers Japonais de sept à douze ans, Cahiers de Sociol Economique & Culturelle, Ethnopsychol 12:119-42
 Herold, R. (1985) Geschlechtsreife und Legitimation zur Zeugung (Jugend, Sexualität und Heiratsverhalten im Japan der Tokugawa- und Meji-Zeit, in Müller, E. W. (Ed.) Geschlechtsreife und Legitimation zur Zeugung. München: K. Alber, p683-716
 Batchelor, J. (1892) The Ainu of Japan.
 Walch, Roger (1996) Sexualerziehung in
 DeMause, L. (1991) The Universality of Incest, J Psychohist 19,2:123-164
 John Connor, Takie Sugiyama Lebra, George DeVos and Alan Roland, personal communications.
 Hendry, J. (1986) Becoming Japanese. The World of the Pre-School Child. Manchester: Manchester University Press, p21, 44; Mizushima Kanae, Shinshitsu Haibun ni Miru Oyako no shinsosei [Parent-child intimacy as seen in sleeping arrangements]
 Kitahara, “Childhood in Japanese Culture”, p54 [cit. infra]
 Lebra, Japanese Women, p176-80 [cit. infra]
 Coleman, S. (1983) Family Planning in Japanese Society. Princeton: Princeton University Press, p177, finds most families respond to questions about why they have sex in the same bed with children by saying it would be “selfish” not to do so.
 DeMause, L. (nd) The Emotional Life of Nations. Karnac Books, Limited, UK. Online ed., ch. 7
 See also Adams, K. A. & Hill, L. Jr. (1997) The phallic female in Japanese group-fantasy, J Psychohist 25,1:33-66
 Smith, R. J. & Wiswell, E. L. (1982) The Women of Suye Mura. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, p68-72; Haring, D. G. (1956) Aspects of Personal Character in Japan, in Haring, D. G. (Ed.) Personal Character and Cultural Milieu. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, p416; Bornoff, Pink Samurai, p76 [cit. infra]
 Gregersen, E. (1983) Sexual Practices: The Story of Human Sexualiy. New York: FranklinWatts, p246
 Kitahara, “Childhood in Japanese Culture”, p56 [cit. infra]
 Kitahara, "Incest-Japanese Style”, p446 [cit. infra]
 Adams, K. A. & Hill, L. Jr. (2000) The Phallic Planet, J Psychohist 28:[p33]
 Ibid., p31
 Adams & Hill, Jr., “Castration Anxiety in Japanese Group-Fantasies”, cit. infra; Adams & Hill Jr. (2000), cit. supra; Rosenman, S. (2000) The Spawning Grounds of the Japanese Rapists of Nanking, J Psychohist 28:2-23
 DeMause, L. (1994) The History of Childhood as the History of Child Abuse, Aesthema 11:48-62 / DeMause, L. (1998) The History of Child Abuse, J Psychohist 25,3:216-36
 Albert, M. & Buschan, G. (1921) Handbuch der Sexualwissenschaften. 2nd ed. Leipzig: Vogel
 Drew, D. & Drake, J. (1969) Boys for Sale. New York: Brown Book Co.
 Connor, J. W. (1976) Family bonds, maternal closeness, and the suppression of sexuality in three generations of Japanese Americans, Ethos 4,2:189-221
 Caudill, W. & Plath, D. (1974) Who sleeps by whom? Parent-child involvement in urban Japanese families, in Levine, R. A. (Ed.) Culture and Personality. Chicago: Aldine, p125-54
 Edwardes, A. & Masters, R. E. L. (1961) The Cradle of Erotica. New York: The Julian Press. See also p136, 290
 Maretzki, Th. W. & Maretzki, H. (1963) Taira: an Okinawan village, in Whiting, B. B. (Ed.) Six Cultures: Studies of Child Rearing. New York: John Wiley & Sons, p367-539
 Cornell, J. B. & Smith R. J.
(1956) Two Japanese Villages. Ann
Arbor: University Press of
 Lebra, T. S. (1985) Japanese Women. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press
 Kitahara, M. (1989) Incest - Japanese Style, J Psychohist 16,4:445-50
 Adams, K. A. & Hill, L. (1999) Castration Anxiety in Japanese Group-Fantasies, J Psychohist 26:779-809
 Pitts, F. R. (1955) Post-war Okinawa. Washington D.C.: National Research Council, Pacific Science Board
 “The only aspect of life that seems to be deliberately withheld from them is sex. They are told that babies come out of their mothers’ knees, and although they may overhear a good deal about the sexual relationships of different people and the difficulties that result from them, they are given no notion of the nature of sex”.
 “The terms for the sex organs, tani, “penis”, and hoo, “vulva”, are used rather freely by older persons, but children are expected to use them only for serious purposes. It is said that if children used the terms repeatedly in joking they might be scolded for “dirty talk”. An old woman once told me, in the presence of several younger women and a twelve-year-old girl, an amusing story about an old woman who always sat with her kimono pulled up and was therefore called “Hoo-Hai Ayaa”, “Mother Vulva-Visible”. Everyone laughed but the girl, who looked rather embarrassed. After the battle in 1945 when American food was issued in quantities, Okinawans became familiar with wiener sausages, which they still remember with relish as tani-gwaa, “little penises”. As in Japanese, the word for sexual relations is formed by adding the verb “to do” to the word for vulva. This term would not be used before children or in polite conversation.
 Maloney (1945:p392). See Maloney, J. C. (1945) Psychiatric Observations in Okinawa Shima, Psychiatry 8:391–9
 Bernstein, G. L. (1978) Women in rural Japan, in Lebra, J. et al. (Eds.) Women in Changing Japan. Standford, CA: Stanford University Press, p25-49
 Hatano, Y, & Shimazaki, T. (1997) Japan, in Francoeur, R. T. (Ed.) The International Encyclopedia of Sexuality. New York: Continuum, Vol. 2. Quoted from the online edition. See also Hatano, Y. (1988) Sexualerziehung von Kindern und Jugendlichen in Japan, In N. Eicher, et al. (Eds.) Praktische Sexual Medizin. Verlag Medical Tribune, pp. 34-42
 Bornoff, N. (1991) Pink Samurai. London: Grafton. New York [etc.]: Pocket Books
 Hirayama, H. & Hirayama, K. K. (1986) The sexuality of Japanese Americans, J Soc Work & Hum Sex 4,3:81-98
 Smith, P. A. (1912) Sex education in Japan, J Educ Psychol 3,5:257-63
 Frühstük, S. (2000) Managing the Truth
of Sex in Imperial Japan, J Asian Studies 59,2:332-58. Cited by Smits,
G. J., in Making Japanese. Unpublished textbook,
 Managing the Truth, op.cit., p342
 Norback, E. & Norbeck, M. () Child training in a Japanese village, in Haring, D. G. (Ed.) Personal Character and Cultural Milieu. Syracuse, New York: Syracuse University Press. 3rd. Ed., p651-73
 Norbeck, E. (1954) Takashima, a Japanese Fishing Community.
 DeMause, L. (1991) The Universality of Incest, J Psychohist 19,2:123-164
 Kitahara, M. (1989) Childhood in Japanese Culture, J Psychohist 17,1:43-72
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